The end of the hunt: 1704
The final formal accusations of witchcraft in this part of Fife came in Torryburn in 1704 and blends both traditional accusations with some of the details heard in Culross in 1675. The events began at a special meeting of the session to deal with the story that Jan Bizet had been ‘molested by Satan’. Although Bizet is not present at the beginning of the proceedings, others begin the story of how one night while she had been drinking, she began warning that Lillias Adie was a witch. On her walk home that night she was extremely disturbed, crying out, as Agnes Henderson remembered it ‘O God, O Christ there is Lily coming to take me and [hir] blue doublets O Mary Wilson keep me she is coming’.135 At the next meeting of the session a month later, it was discovered that Jean Wilson has also been dreadfully tormented, which led the bailie to incarcerate Lillias Adie nine days previously. At the session meeting Lillias Adie confessed to being a witch, indeed to having had a compact with the Devil ‘since the second bury of witches in this place’. She claimed to have given herself over to the Devil, to having had carnal intercourse with him, and then added that his feet were cloven like a cows. She claimed to have been summoned by Grissel Anderson to a meeting one moonlight night where everyone clapped and honoured the Devil as their prince. She claimed to have known no one at the meeting, apart from Elspeth Williamson.136 At the meeting held two days later on July 31 in the prison, Adie adhered to her confession. When asked if Agnes Currie was a witch, she stated she would flee if charged. Then she was asked if the Devil had a sword. Her reply was that she believed ‘he durst not use a sword’. She indicated her anger, for he had promised many things which he had not delivered. She then named Agnes Currie as someone in attendance at the last meeting.137
At the next presbytery meeting which was held on August 19, Elspeth Williamson admitted to having attended a meeting of witches by the side of the church-yard and being surprised when there were not any psalms sung. She believed, but was not sure, that Mary Wilson had taken her to this meeting. One final comment of note: she claimed that when the Devil left she could not hear his footsteps on the stubble.138 And so the accusations came that different individuals had been at various gathering until Janet Whyte, Agnes Currie, Bessie Callander and Mary Carmichael, had been added as suspected witches.139 Some of the accusations were of long standing, for example the claim that Agnes Currie had bewitched a child who had died after baptism twenty-four years previously.140 There were few real claims of malefice, and those there were centred on Agnes Currie. For all of the time spent in examining these women and the fact that Lillias confessed and Elspeth Williamson did not deny she was a witch, nothing much came of these events. Lillias Adie died in prison. Events seemed to end in confusion but there are two postscripts. First, five years later Margaret Humble was called in front of the church and forced to repent because she had stated that the minister, Mr. Logan, was daft when he spoke against the witches.141 Second, many years later, Allan Logan, then the minister of Culross wrote, asking for the records of the ‘tryall of the witches in the end of the Queen’s reign’.142
Summary
Of all the presbyteries in Fife, Dunfermline saw the greatest activity in terms of witch-hunting. It is from this presbytery that we receive our most dramatic references to the Devil, a figure who remains surprisingly absent but for a few cases. It is perhaps no accident that these cases where there are references to meetings or sex with the Devil came either late in the hunt or appear in documents from the highest court in Scotland. Serial hunts occurred with some frequency in this presbytery, spreading the accused beyond the usual stereotypical ‘witch’ to include those with social status. Still, the driving dynamic was not judicial torture, but was primarily the ability to ward and watch the suspects, thus depriving them of support as well as sleep, and producing the necessary confessions. Resources in communities like Dunfermline were made available to guarantee the success of this procedure. The presbytery fought in 1649 to maintain its control of both the process and the incarcerated suspects, appearing before the Committee of Estates in Edinburgh. Much of the evidence is circumstantial, based upon financial accounts, complaints about treatment, appeals for warders, and even the use of the words ‘warded’ and ‘watched’ in session, presbytery and other records yet this method of sleep deprivation seems to have been both commonly used and remarkably successful in creating confessions. This was true not only in Dunfermline, but in the other presbyteries we have discussed.
Over the last four chapters we have seen the kinds of evidence which exists, the sources from which we must build our picture of the witch-hunt in Fife. We have seen how a presbytery shared information and took an active role in the hunting of witches. Given the role it played, the presbytery does seem to be a logical unit to use in order to study the witch-hunt at a regional level. The key role the church played in these events and the role of torture needs to be explored further. Following this we need to turn from our chronological discussion over the last three chapters to an examination of the women who were suspected, arrested, and in some cases executed as witches, as well as the motivations of those who hunted these women as witches.
Notes
1.
Fasti, vol. 5, 1ff. Benson, South-West Fife, 10.
2.
Benson, South-West Fife, 16, gives a brief introduction to the economy of the area. He estimated that Culross, Dunfermline and Inverkeithing were the most populous parishes, with Torryburn not far behind. Dalgety’s population he estimated at about 800, while Carnock and Cleish were among the least populous areas with about 400 people each.
3.
The source of this information is Black, Calendar, 21. This case is not recorded in the SBSW or the SWHDB as both begin in 1560. The original source of information is Robert Kerr Hannay, editor & translator, Rentale Sancti Andree: Being the Chamberlain and Granitar Accounts of the Archbishopric in the time of Cardinal Betoun 1538–46. (Edinburgh: Scottish History Society, 1913), 130, 141.
4.
Case 6. Pitcairn, Ancient Criminal Trials, vol. 1, 432. Black, Calendar, 21. The SBSW lists five other cases in 1563; the only other name given is Nik Neving and he is the only one located in a place, Monaie. The source for these cases is also in Pitcairn, vol 1, 510.
5.
Again, this case does not appear in the SBSW or the SWHDB. The source is Ebenezer Henderson, Annals of Dunfermline (Glasgow: –, 1879), 241. Henderson notes that a tradition has grown that one of those involved in raising the storm against James was this woman. His source is Dalyell, Darker Superstitions, 202.
6.
Bessie Harlaw (945); Bessie Chalmers (944); Beatrice Mudie (943); Christiane Hammyltoun (942); Margaret Ent (941). RPC vol. 12, 423.
7.
Case 946. Ibid., 423. A report back to the Privy Council was to be made in the case of Marioun Chatto. The fate of all six is unclear.
8.
Case 947. RPC vol. 12, 472. The indirect link may have been that the news that there were witches in Inverkeithing may have spurred some in Culross on to pursuing Couper.
9.
Janet Robertsone (959), Agnes Quarrier (960), Helen Cummyng (961), Alesone Hutchesone (962) and Agnes Robertsone (958). RPC vol. 13, 49–50.
10.
The spellings are irregular in each of the commissions. RPC vol. 12, 423. RPC vol. 13, 42. The role of the church in the Aberdour commission remains obscure, as there is no reference to the minister being present. The commission also states that the accused had been apprehended by the bailies of the Lordship of St. Colme. The Aberdour kirk session records CH231 contained no information.
11.
Balfour (971); Bull, (970); Logie (969); Merschell (968); Robesoun, spelled Robertson in the SWHDB (967). RPC vol. 13, 181.
12.
Johne Young (966); Margaret Kynnell (976); Christian Harlow (975); Marjory Gibsoun (977) and Elisabeth Broun (974). R
PC vol. 13, 181.
13.
Bessie Andersone (972); Marjorie Aitkyne (965); Marioun Hendersone (973). RPC vol. 13, 181. This seems a very brave thing for Hendersone to have done. The idea that it was Andersone and Aitkyne who produced evidence is based upon the interpretation of the following phrase in the commission: ‘the depositionis of the utheris personis foirsaidis produceit aganis hir’. Other than the commissioners, the only others named to this point were the confessed witches.
14.
The editors of the SBSW assigned new case numbers to those named in this commission. Therefore Christiane Balfour (971) is duplicated as (978); Jonet Robesoun (967), as Jonet Robertsoun (983); Bessie Logie (969) as (981); Margaret Bull (970) as (979); and, Margaret Merschell (968) as (982). The two new names are Beatrix Thomsone (984) and Jonet Keirie (980). An interesting sidelight comes in the marginal notes of the RPC, where these women are accused of ‘witchcraft and intercourse with the devil’. The ‘intercourse’ noted in the commission is not, as many would suspect, sex but ‘conferring with’. Even this may have merely been a conventional wording of a commission for witches, not reflecting any specific charges in the case. It is interesting to consider whether this double meaning of the word ‘intercourse’ may have led to the notion that sexual contact with the Devil was a common feature of all Scottish witchcraft trials. RPC vol. 13, 192–193.
15.
Again, these cases are listed as duplicates in the SBSW. Marjorie Gibsoun (977) and now (986); Magarett Kynell (976) now as Kinnell (985). The commission notes they confessed ‘freelie and of thair awne accord’ to the charge of ‘conversing with the divell’ and giving themselves to him and his service. RPC vol. 13, 230.
16.
Jonnet Umphra (996); Mayse Umphra (1000), Alexander Clerk (997); Marjorie Rowland (998); Marjorie Stirk (995); Jonnet Watt (1001); Anna Smyth of Torryburn (999). RPC vol. 13, 439–440.
17.
Ibid., 439–440.
18.
The SBSW duplicates this case as 994. RPC. vol. 13, 451. The charge again has a feeling of formula to it, specifically the fact that the main charge is that she had meetings and ‘conference’ with the Devil.
19.
Jonnet Tor (1013); Helene Ezatt (1014). RPC vol. 13, 484.
20.
RPC vol. 12, 472. RPC vol. 13, 439–440, 451, 484.
21.
Ibid., 439–440.
22.
Case 1067. RPC 2nd ser. vol. 2, 317. The commission gives few details.
23.
Effie Herring (3225); Bessie Stobie (3227); Jonet Thomson (3226). The source is Chris Neale, The 17th century witch craze in West Fife: A guide to the printed sources (Dunfermline: Dunfermline District Libraries, 1980), 15. Neale’s source is Andrew Shearer, ed., Extracts from the burgh records of Dunfermline in the 16th and 17th centuries (Dunfermline, 1951).
24.
Case 1159. Alexander’s connection to Dunfermline is unclear. The commission allowed for the collection of information about his practices in the locality. The presbyteries were called to ‘convene before thame all suche persouns within thair said presbyteries as can give anie light or information concerning the said Alexander his practises of witchecraft and charming’. RPC 2nd ser. vol. 3, 104.
25.
Elspet Bladderstouns (1329). RPC 2nd ser. vol. 3, 454.
26.
Helen Rowane (3165); Kath Rowane (3166); Grissel Astrin (317); Jonet Dusone (3168). August 30, 1634. October 12, 1634. October 19, 1634. July 5, 1635. Benson, Southwest Fife, 266. There is no record of commissions being granted. This case should be explored further.
27.
Benson, South-West Fife, App. 2, 266. This case was not entered in the SWHDB.
28.
These cases have been added to the SWHDB, but only as examples of what charming cases looked like. Margaret Fields (3177) November 20, 1636. William Drysdale (3178) March 7, 1641. Both are listed by Benson, South-West Fife, App. 2, 266. The question truly is, why were they accused of charming and not witchcraft? Where was the line?
29.
Case 2435. The source is Dalyell, The Darker Superstitions of Scotland, 671. Benson, South-West Fife, App. 2, 266.
30.
Margaret Cuthbertson (3169); Agnes Kinsman (3171); Jonet Tailor (3175); Jonet Moodie (3174); Jonet Horne (3173); Christian Moodie (3172); Jonnet Henrysone (3170). These cases were discovered and the quotation taken from Benson, South-West Fife, App. 2, 266. Dunfermline KS records, NAS CH25921 f20–21.
31.
Catherine Rowane, (2437). The ‘others’ are case (3176). The original source is the kirk session minutes of Culross, CH2771, March 5, 1643. Quoted in Benson, South-West Fife, App. 2, 266 and David Beveridge, Culross and Tuliallan or Perthshire on Forth (Edinburgh: William Blackwood, 1885), vol. 1, 203.
32.
Case 3179. Benson, South-West Fife, App. 2, 266.
33.
Robert Shortus (3180); Jonet Insch (3181). The Dunfermline kirk session record notes that she was from Torryburn and was his wife’s fathers sister (an aunt by marriage). CH25921, f 23. Benson, South-West Fife, App. 2, 267.
34.
Benson, South-West Fife, App. 2, 267, notes that Shortus was a surgeon who ‘tended wounded after Kilsyth and Dunbar’. His repentance was in sackcloth. KS Dunfermline CH25921 f.25.
35.
Case 2458. CH25921 f23: ‘that day compeirit Grissel Morrison being accused of sundrie poynts of witchcraft spoken and done by hir’. Benson, South-West Fife, App. 2, 267. Also, Ebenezer Henderson, ed., Extracts from the Kirk-Session Records of Dunfermline (1640–89) (Edinburgh: Fullarton & MacNab, 1865), 12. Neale, West Fife, 15.
36.
Margaret Brand (2459); Katherine Elder (2460); Agnes Kirk (2463); Margaret Donaldson (2464); Isobel Millar (2465). All are referred to in Henderson, Annals of Dunfermline, 309. Henderson’s source for this information was the Register of Deaths.
37.
Case 3182. Benson, South-West Fife, App. 2, 267.
38.
Shearer (3183). Benson, South-West Fife, App. 2, 267. Jane D. Hogg, Extracts from the Kirk Session Book of Culross-17th century (typescript, Dunfermline District Library), 10.
39.
Benson, South-West Fife, App. 2, 267. Hogg, Extracts, 10.
40.
Marion Burges (3185) Benson, South-West Fife, App. 2, 267. Hogg, Extracts, 10. John Kinnaird was accused regarding this in early June (5 or 8), 1643, and efforts were made to have her returned and warded.
41.
Case 2443. Source is Henderson, Annals, 309. Again, his source on this is the Register of Deaths.
42.
The ‘mother’ has not been added to the SWHDB, as she may be someone already known. Neale, West Fife, 16. Benson, South-West Fife, App. 2, 267.
43.
Benson, South-West Fife, App. 2, 267.
44.
Dunfermline KS Records CH25921 f25. Benson, South-West Fife, App. 2, 267.
45.
Case 2444. Henderson, Annals of Dunfermline, 309–310.
46.
Benson, South-West Fife, App. 2, 268. Burne is case 3188.
47.
A woman named Drummond (3189) was mentioned as a witch in October. It is unclear whether or not she was in custody, as the case was directed against Christian Spears of Dunfermline who had sought her assistance. Dunfermline KS CH25921 f26. Benson, South-West Fife, App. 2, 268. Margaret Hutton in Culross, already mentioned as being under suspicion, had commissions issued against her in October for trial and one in November 1643 for her execution. RPC 2nd ser. vol. 8, 12.
48.
Marg Donald (3192 and 2523). Dunfermline KS CH25921 f30, reports that the witches of Torryburn (case 3191) have accused her. Nothing more is known of the latter. Marg Donald’s case in
cludes information on watching her. Benson, South-West Fife, App. 2, 268, 269. Also, Henderson, Extracts from the Kirk Session, 16; Henderson, Annals of Dunfermline, 314.
49.
Bruce (3190). Benson, South-West Fife, App. 2, 268.
50.
Cases 3193, 3194, 3195. As with all cases where no name is known, it is possible that some of those whose names appear later were in fact apprehended at this time. It is also possible that Beatrix Bruce may have been the one to name Marg Donald of Dunfermline as a witch. Given the way in the same individual was sometimes referred to as coming from different places (one where they lived, the other where they were warded), this possibility should not be ignored. Still, this is speculation. What remains clear is that this is the continuance of a serial hunt.
51.
Case 2490. duplicated as 3196. The accusations began in May but were not presented as a trial before the session until June 30. Benson, South-West Fife, App. 2, 268. Hogg, Extracts, 10–11. Beveridge, Culross and Tuliallan, 208–209. Beveridge includes details of the charms and suggests the penalty was public repentance.
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