“These Jewish claims of altruism are contradicted, however, by their actions. As soon as the Bolsheviks gained power they went on a rampage of murder and savagery worse than anything since the Mongol invasions 700 years earlier. They murdered not only the employers, the military officers and cadets, the civil servants, the aristocrats, and others who might have been remotely considered ‘oppressors,’ but millions of ordinary peasants and workers as well. And they can hardly resort to the excuse that the revolution got away from them, that other elements wrested control from the Jewish altruists and then betrayed the noble motives of the original Bolsheviks by instituting a reign of terror, because the record quite clearly shows that the Jews remained foremost among the terrorists and mass murderers after the revolution, just as they had been foremost in its instigation. The system of gulag slave-labor camps was organized by a Jew, and many of the most sadistic and murderous camp commissars were Jews. The same was true of the secret police. As late as 1941, two dozen years after the revolution, 41 per cent of the members of the Supreme Soviet were Jews. That statistic is in this U.S. government report prepared by the research staff of the Library of Congress,” he said somewhat heatedly, as he waved a book with a greenish cover. “Can you imagine that? Nearly half the Supreme Soviet, and they’re only one per cent of the population.”
Adelaide looked at him attentively but did not speak, knowing that he hadn’t finished yet. He continued: “By the late 1920s Stalin was the top man in the Soviet Union, but the Soviet government was very heavily Jewish. How can they evade responsibility for the crimes of the Soviet regime in the 1920s and 1930s? The funny thing is they don’t even try. To read what they’ve written on the period before 1950, everything was rosy. It was only after Stalin turned on them and began weeding them from the bureaucracy that they had anything bad to say about the Soviet Union. Nowadays they’re continually whining about how they’re ‘persecuted’ over there, but when one looks at the facts it’s clear that they’re still better off than most other Soviet citizens. They still hold a disproportionate share of the soft jobs. What they mean by ‘persecution’ is that they don’t get everything they want these days. They say they’re denied the right to emigrate, but, hell, a lot more of them are allowed to emigrate each year than any other ethnic group.
“Everything written about the Soviet Union within the last 20 years by a Jew complains about just two things: the great purge of the Communist Party during the late 1930s, when thousands of Jewish bureaucrats were yanked out of their plush party offices and sent to the labor camps by Stalin, and the outcome of the so-called ‘doctors’ plot’ in 1953, when Stalin supposedly was preparing to send an even bigger batch of them off to the gulag before he suddenly died. But of the millions of Ukrainians murdered in 1931, the thousands of Balts tortured to death in 1940, and the hundreds of thousands, of all nationalities, who were liquidated in 1945 there’s not a word!
“I can’t decide whether it’s that they’re deliberately trying to deceive their readers by pretending that these things didn’t happen or whether they’re simply assuming that these enormous atrocities aren’t really worth mentioning because the victims weren’t Jews — and besides, the less said about them the better, because Jews bore a lot of the responsibility for them. In the first case they have to be the biggest liars in history, and in the second case they have to be so arrogantly self-centered that it takes one’s breath away to think about it. It’s like, if I commit an offense against you it’s all right, because you aren’t one of God’s chosen, but if you even think about committing an offense against me, it’s genocide and blasphemy. But these aren’t Jewish religious fanatics who write these books; they’re Jewish academics, most of them atheists.
“When I started studying this subject I was determined not to accept the thesis that Harry Keller and another fellow I know have been trying to sell me: namely, that the whole communist movement was simply a Jewish power grab from the beginning. I thought I could see too many inconsistencies and contradictions. There was the Zionist movement, for one thing. If all the Jews were pushing communism as a way of getting the riches of the Gentiles into their hands, to use Isaiah’s words, then why were so many of them in Russia involved in Zionism instead? Why weren’t they all working together to push communism?
“One of the most interesting documents I’ve gotten from the Library of Congress is a copy of an article Winston Churchill wrote about the Jews for the London Illustrated Sunday Herald in 1920. Churchill, who certainly was in a position to know the facts, clearly labeled communism as a Jewish movement for world domination.”
Oscar picked up a paper from the table beside his chair. “Here, listen to what he said. This is the issue of February 8, 1920, just a little over two years after they took over Russia.” He searched for the place he wanted and then began reading: “This movement among the Jews is not new. From the days of Spartacus-Weishaupt to those of Karl Marx and down to Trotsky in Russia, Bela Kun in Hungary, Rosa Luxembourg in Germany, and Emma Goldman in the United States, this world-wide conspiracy for the overthrow of civilization and for the reconstitution of society on the basis of arrested development, of envious malevolence, and impossible equality has been steadily growing…. There is no need to exaggerate the part played in the creation of Bolshevism and in the actual bringing about of the Russian Revolution by these international and for the most part atheistical Jews. It certainly is a very great one; it probably outweighs all others. With the notable exception of Lenin, the majority of the leading figures are Jews. Moreover the principal inspiration and driving power comes from the Jewish leaders.’
“Then he goes on to talk about Zionism as a sort of antidote to communism. The good Jews, he says, are Zionists, and the bad ones are communists. I wonder if he’d have said that if he’d known how the Zionist Jews would treat the Palestinians after they grabbed Palestine. The Israelis today, in fact, are behaving toward the Palestinians just about the way the Jewish Bolsheviks behaved toward the Ukrainians and Russians after the Russian Revolution.
“Anyway, although Churchill recognized communism as a Jewish movement, he was careful to say that only a portion of the world’s Jews were involved in it. Well, that’s reasonable; you wouldn’t expect all the members of any race or ethnic group to have the same political and social ideas. But the puzzling thing about it is that I’ve run into lots of hints that the Zionist Jews and the communist Jews weren’t really hostile to each other. For example, when the communists took over Russia, they destroyed thousands of Christian churches, but they didn’t harm the synagogues. Churchill mentions this fact too. And then there were Jewish capitalists in this country giving millions of dollars to both the Jewish communists and to the Zionists. It all makes one suspect that the Jews were simply using a mixed strategy, some of them going for power via the Zionist route and some via the communist route.
“Maybe I’m wrong about that. But the most incriminating evidence of all is the way the news media and Jewish writers have dealt with communism. Like I said, prior to about 1950 it wasn’t just Gentiles like Churchill who were acknowledging the Jewishness of communism. The Jews themselves were boasting about it — but they were claiming it was all altruism: a better break for the working class and so on. Not a word of the monstrous atrocities communists had committed. Then, when the so-called ‘cold war’ began and communism was no longer fashionable in the West, no more books were published in which Jews admitted their role in communism; instead they began whining that they were victims of communism — the principal victims, in fact, if one were to believe them. I guess it’s just a fluke that the cold war began about the time that Stalin had broken the power of the Jewish faction in the Soviet government, and Russians were beginning to regain power in their own country.”
He reflected for a moment on what he had just said, then continued: “On second thought, maybe it’s not a fluke at all. Maybe the change of attitudes toward the Soviet Union in the West was engineered by the media here in res
ponse to the changing fortunes of the Jews in the Soviet Union. I’ll have to do some more reading along that line. Anyway, it’s only been in the last few years that the horrors of the Soviet regime have been given a full airing in the West. One could always find the facts about the extermination of the kulaks in the Ukraine or the slaughter of the Polish officer corps in the Katyn Forest in the libraries, in scholarly works and government reports, but never in anything that might affect public opinion. Now that’s out in the open — but none of the mass-circulation materials about those things being published today mention the Jews’ responsibility for them. The one exception, perhaps, is Solzhenitsyn’s treatment of the gulag system, but I’m not sure how many people have really read that. And even there one has to read between the lines to get the message.
“You see, if they would show even a superficial appearance of frankness and contrition, then I wouldn’t be so suspicious. If they would just come right out and say, ‘Well, we thought communism would be good for the world. We thought it would help oppressed people. So we cooked it up and brought off the Russian Revolution with it. But then we did some terrible things, and we’re really sorry for it. We never should have fooled around with communism.’ If they would say something like that, then I could be a lot more sympathetic toward them. But not one of them has. Instead, everything they’ve written on the subject has been crooked: everything. First they admitted their role in communism but denied the atrocities. Now they admit the atrocities but deny their role.
“On this one subject I’m completely convinced. I’ve finally dug up enough evidence. And now I’m suspicious of the standard line being handed out on everything else involving them: the Second World War and the so-called ‘Holocaust,’ for example. But I’m beginning to despair of ever knowing the full truth about these things. It’s taken me weeks of study just to reach a few solid conclusions about the Jewish role in communism. To do that I’ve had to dig through layer after layer of obfuscation and misdirection and contradiction. I’ve still got dozens of major questions in my mind about communism, Zionism, and the relations between them, and the signposts are pointing in six different directions. It’s very frustrating. It’s as if the issues have been deliberately muddied, so people like me would have a hard time getting at the truth.”
“Hey, that reminds me of something I heard back in Iowa,” Adelaide interrupted his monologue. “One of the graduate teaching assistants who taught my recitation section in freshman math was a Jew, David Schwarz. He was married, but he still tried to get me to date him. In fact, he was a real pest. Whenever he’d spot me in the student activity center he’d come over and start talking to me. Somehow he found out my telephone number and used to call me in my apartment too. He was a compulsive talker. He especially liked to talk about politics and economics — pretty esoteric stuff, generally, like how the price of gold would go up whenever there seemed to be a good chance the Democrats would win an election.
“It was a little bit of a ticklish situation. I was afraid to offend him, and so I figured that as long as I could keep him at arm’s length it was okay to let him talk. I even asked him questions sometimes. Once 1 asked him a question about the national debt. He gave me this 20-minute explanation that left me totally confused. Part of what he said seemed to contradict other parts. I told him, ‘Gee, I’m confused. Why does it have to be so complicated?’
“He looked at me for a minute and then said very seriously, as if he were letting me in on some kind of secret, ‘It has to be complicated, otherwise too many people would figure out what’s going on with the economy.’ He leaned over close to me and whispered, ‘Keeping people confused can be the best defense. Whenever you want to reach some objective, you must split your forces and have some of them go for the opposite of what you want, so no one will be able to pin you down and put a label on you, and you’ll be able to preempt any really effective opposition at the same time. And after you’ve reached your objective, explain what you’ve done with so many contradictions that no one will be certain just what it was you were really after in the first place.’
“I don’t know what that little piece of wisdom had to do with the national debt. I think he was just trying to impress me with his sophistication — you know, Machiavellian and all that — and my confession that I was confused triggered some association in his mind with another subject, presumably political. Despite his wordiness, David really wasn’t as bright as he wanted people to think. But he was weird; he thought the explanation for everything that happened was a conspiracy on the part of some special-interest group, and that things were never what they seemed to be. He must have picked up that little maxim about the value of confusion some place. I didn’t ask him about it at the time, but it stuck in my mind, and what you just said recalled it.”
XIX
It probably would snow during the day, Oscar guessed as he retrieved the newspaper from his front porch. The temperature was about 30 degrees, and the sky was heavily overcast. He stretched, yawned, and sniffed the air in the early — morning darkness. He had just gotten home after spending the night at Adelaide’s apartment again. He felt that he needed at least another hour of sleep. Why did she have to leave for work so early?
It wasn’t until he had removed the rubber band from the paper and dropped it on the dining-room table that the headline caught his eye. Then his drowsiness evaporated instantly. The big news on the front page of the Washington Post was the passage of the Horowitz Bill. He poured himself a cup of coffee and sat down to read the details.
On page four was a much smaller article announcing the enactment of legislation providing for the establishment of a new government agency to combat terrorism. How appropriate that the two pieces of legislation should come at the same time, Oscar thought. The stories in the Post treated them as completely independent developments, but he suspected that the legislative wire-pullers were very much aware of the connection. He made a mental note to ask Ryan about that the next time he saw him.
The Post indicated that it probably would be two months or longer before the provisions of the Horowitz Act could be fully implemented. The President, who had signed it immediately, already had appointed a panel of prominent religious leaders and representatives of minority groups to oversee the setting up of the bureaucratic apparatus for screening publications and designating those found offensive as “hate material.”
There was an interview with the director of the American Civil Liberties Union, who noted that his group had “reservations” about the new law. Something definitely was needed to curb the hatemongers, he said, but he hoped that the Congress had not gone too far and that the law would be administered in a way that would not infringe on free speech or freedom of the press. Oscar snorted in derision when he read that. “Some guardian of our liberties!” he muttered.
The article about the new anti-terrorism agency was of greater interest to him, especially the final paragraph, which read: “The man chosen to head the new agency is William Ryan of the FBI, who had been promoted just last week to chief of the Bureau’s Anti-Terrorism Section after serving for nine years as its deputy chief. Mr. Ryan has an excellent record with the Bureau. His most notable accomplishment came early last year, when he headed a task force which rounded up nearly 200 members of the Ku Klux Klan and other White-supremacy groups who were involved in a conspiracy to violate the civil rights of non-Whites. His appointment is expected to be confirmed by the Senate Judiciary Committee within the week.”
Oscar moved from the kitchen to the living room, where he settled in his easy chair, leaned back, and closed his eyes. So things had worked out exactly the way Ryan had expected, he thought. He could not help but feel a little pride when he considered how essential his own efforts had been in achieving an outcome so portentous, but his pride was overshadowed by foreboding. He still had not resolved the problem of his relationship with Ryan, and now that problem had assumed a new urgency and importance.
His study program was conti
nuing, but for the past week he had been turning over in his mind even larger questions than those associated with the Jews. He was by now quite convinced that the Jews’ grip on the news and entertainment media had to be broken, regardless of whether he eventually came to agree fully with Ryan and Keller’s assessment of their overall role in White society or not.
But how? What was the proper course of action? He needed a strategy now, and he was determined to find one before carrying out any more actions, either on his own initiative or at Ryan’s behest.
One thing that was quite clear was that his solo actions could not accomplish much of lasting importance by themselves. They could not dispossess the Jews of their media control; they could not halt the decay of White society or Western civilization; they could not even stop miscegenation. If one was to have more than solo actions, then one needed an organization. Keller’s group, the National League, was the only one he was aware of that seemed to be seriously addressing the social and racial ills that concerned him. But it was strictly an educational organization; Keller had stressed to him at their last meeting that it shunned all illegal activity and focused instead on publishing and distributing books, pamphlets, magazines, video tapes, and other educational materials. It seemed to Oscar that the Horowitz Act would very soon put the National League out of business, unless it changed its policy and began defying the law by going over to underground publishing.
For that matter, any organization which posed a serious threat to the people in power suffered from the same vulnerability: it could simply be outlawed. To get around that one had to be willing from the beginning to break the law, and one had to be able to do so with some degree of impunity. One needed, in other words, both organized activity and the sort of capability that Oscar had developed. The unique relationship he had with Ryan could certainly be helpful along those lines, he reflected.
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