by Win Blevins
During 1814 Clyman reportedly served as a substitute for a neighbor, and was stationed in Greenville. After service of only a month he returned; historians have found no reason for this short service, but he later served in the militia for two months at Jeromesville.
After four years on his father’s farm, James drifted into Jennings County, Indiana, in 1818; there he cleared twenty acres, planted corn with a hoe, and then traded the crop to Indians for ponies and rode on out to Illinois. About 1820 he got a job furnishing provisions for a surveyor; he had apparently decided, at the age of twenty-four, that farming wasn’t for him. When the surveyor became too sick to finish the job, James was proficient enough to finish surveying half a township subdivision.
Surveying in Illinois
In the summer of 1821 he went to Terre Haute, Indiana, where he worked harvesting crops. Later he worked as a wood chopper with Treat and Blackman, at a small salt factory fifty or sixty miles north of the settlement on the Vermillion River in Illinois. Col. William S. Hamilton was in the area on a surveying tour, hired Clyman, and in the summer of 1822 left him to complete the work. The next autumn Clyman did another surveying job on the Sangamon River. During all this time, Clyman was gaining the experience that would fit him for a part in the next chapter of America’s history: the fur trade, and the westward exploration.
The Fur Trade
The brief history of the fur trade is one of the most colorful our nation ever experienced. At first, fur traders simply visited the Indians, and swapped trade goods for furs the Indians already had on hand. Eventually, this practice dissatisfied the traders; the Indians were unpredictable, and it was hard to calculate the profit and loss margin. So the idea of sending white men into the mountains to trap beaver was born, and the era of the mountain men began.
In 1822, William H. Ashley, a Missouri politician, and Andrew Henry, a former fur trader, entered a fur-trading partnership. At first Henry led men to the mouth of the Yellowstone River and began construction of a fort. Supplies worth $10,000 being sent up river later were lost in a boat wreck, and Ashley had to outfit another boat, and bring another expedition to the fort.
While Ashley returned to St. Louis that winter, Henry remained at Fort Henry to direct trapping and trading operations. In the spring of 1823, Henry sent Jedediah Smith downriver to meet Ashley with the list of supplies needed for the coming year. Ashley assembled the necessary supplies and set out for the Yellowstone with a mixed crew, a crew that included a clerk by the name of Clyman. The supply boats were attacked by the Arikaras, and Ashley lost 15 men and a great deal of supplies. By the time reinforcements arrived, much time had been lost.
In spite of these problems, the partners sent out two main trapping expeditions that year. One group, under Henry, returned to the post on the Yellowstone, and moved from there to the Big Horn River where another Fort Henry was built. From the new location, Henry sent trappers southwest.
Ashley’s group, led by Jedediah Smith, left Fort Kiowa on the Missouri in September of 1823 and headed west to meet Henry’s men, camped with the Crows. James Clyman was along, and his abilities with a needle were a big help to Smith, who was attacked by a grizzly bear which tore his ear off and lacerated his scalp.
Jedediah Smith’s party wintered in the mountains, then traveled west into the Green River country in the spring, where they found a beaver paradise. When the spring hunt was over, Thomas Fitzpatrick and James Clyman took the furs back to St. Louis while the others continued to trap.
The report of these trappers on the abundance of beaver available changed the course of fur trade history. Ashley decided to take needed supplies to the mountains each year, to save the trouble of sending men back and forth with supplies and furs. He organized a supply train to the Rockies in 1824, and the distribution of these supplies in 1825 was the official beginning of the fur trade’s best-known legacy, the rendezvous.
Rendezvous
At rendezvous, which became an annual event, mountain men met after a year of freezing, suffering, being shot at, and chased by Indians, as they trapped mostly alone or in small groups. At rendezvous, the mountain men were free to trade their furs, to obtain supplies for the next year’s trading, to visit with friends they hadn’t seen for months, and to find out who had gone under during the winter. Indians of many tribes camped near the trappers to trade, visit, and swap stories and challenges. At rendezvous, a wilderness valley became the site of a colorful, raucous fair. The first rendezvous lasted only one day, and Ashley supplied no liquor. He soon remedied that situation, and later rendezvous lasted weeks.
By 1840, the demand for beaver for the fashionable hats had died, swept away in some other fashion, and the period of rendezvous—and the fur trade, for all practical purposes—was over. The trappers scattered: some few back to civilization; others to new frontiers or jobs guiding emigrants. Some retreated to the mountains with the Indians and lived their wild way of life to the end.
Chapter 2
Narrative of 1823–24
In the spring of 1823, at the age of thirty-one, still unmarried, still not “settled down,” Clyman went to St. Louis, perhaps to draw his pay for the surveying work. There he met William H. Ashley, then Lieutenant-Governor, and already renowned as a fur trader. Ashley hired him at once to enlist men for the second expedition up the Missouri. Clyman helped to hire a crew—his journal says they would have made Falstaff’s friends look genteel; many of the expedition members were drawn from the grog shops and other sinks of degradation in St. Louis. Clyman took the berth of clerk on one of the boats at $1 a day.
When he joined Ashley’s men, Clyman was no raw recruit; he’d been providing meat for his family since at least the age of fourteen. He’d fought Indians, and worked at jobs that honed him fine in the wilderness university, where survival was the diploma. He was at his peak, and ready for the great adventure of fur trapping. He became one of the best.
The party of trappers wasn’t moving during all of the long winter covered by Clyman’s journals; part of the time they were necessarily snowed into camp, and the newer hands in the mountains probably took the opportunity to learn from the tales of those who had been here before. Clyman was among the oldest and most experienced in general woodcraft, if not in this part of the country. Bill Sublette and Tom Fitzpatrick were twenty-four, Jedediah Smith twenty-five. Jim Bridger—who was elsewhere this winter—was not yet twenty. Around the campfire, eating ribs if the day’s hunt had been successful, repairing moccasins, making bullets or cleaning rifles, they must have talked about the methods for trapping beaver.
The first trick was to find them—first the stream, then the dams that they built. Traps had to be placed at strategic locations along the beaver’s daily route: at the base of his slides into the water, or near the path along which he dragged his wood for dam building. Most of the trappers picked another method: making the animal “come to medicine.” Castoreum, the beaver’s own secretion, was mixed in with other ingredients in various exotic combinations and carried by the trapper in a box or stoppered bottle, often carved of horn. Once the trap was set, a twig was dipped in the musky mixture and placed in such a way that the beaver would have to step in the trap to sniff the twig. Often traps were set in shallow water, then anchored with a stake driven into the stream bed, so that once the beaver was caught, his instincts to head for deep water would drown him.
Meriwether Lewis, the explorer, recorded a beaver recipe which included castor, half a nutmeg, a dozen grains of cloves and thirty grains of cinnamon, ground together and mixed with “spirits.” The mixture could be used immediately, but was better if allowed to ripen for a few days or months. When cloves were unavailable, Lewis suggested the use of allspice, which accounts for its appearance among the supplies brought to the mountains for rendezvous. The mixture was understandably on the strong side; the trappers probably got used to it, but the smell was one of the reasons they weren’t acceptable in civilized society.
Naturally, if some
of this mixture spilled on their hands, they wiped it on their buckskins; they didn’t stop there, but wiped their greasy hands on their skins after eating, and wiped off the blood when skinning. The resulting color and flavor of the skin was not the clean gold of fresh-tanned deer hides, but, as Berry says (in A Majority of Scoundrels), “…black. Dirty black, greasy black, shiny black, bloody black, stinky black. Black.”
Besides buckskin pants and shirt, the trappers wore blanket capotes, an overcoat made from a blanket, usually Hudson’s Bay blankets. Since buckskin garments had no pockets, the trapper’s tools were tied to the strap of the powder horn slung over one shoulder, or carried in a bag that came to be known as the “possible sack,” since it contained everything he could possibly need in the mountains.
At night, the trappers may have bedded down in rough shelters if they were staying in one camp for awhile—that is, if there was enough forage nearby for the horses, and meat for the hunters’ rifles. Or they may have simply rolled up in their blankets. Ruxton speaks of suffering constantly in his winter travel, in spite of sleeping close to the fire. His bedding consisted of two blankets, all he had between his body and the snow. Once the blankets got wet and froze hard, they were little protection from the cold. Killbuck, Ruxton’s fictionalized trapper, spread his buffalo robe on the ground and used a stone under it for a pillow, tucking his pouch, powder horn and rifle inside the scanty shelter to keep them dry.
During the winter, too, there was time for reading whatever books had found their way into the baggage. Meek later spoke of the “Rocky Mountain College,” the winter camps where some of the men learned to read. Clyman, since his “smattering of education” included reading, might have supplied some of the textbooks for the others.
Picture Clyman, seasoned by life on the eastern frontier, as he heads toward the West for the first time. Of his appearance at this time, he later said, “I think I was something of a fop in those days and sometimes have a good laugh to think how I must have looked in my fringed suit of buckskin with ruffled shirt to match.”
Friends who described Clyman in later years agreed that he was tall—six feet or more—and thin, with brown hair and “clear greyish blue” or blue eyes. His face was described as “rather long and sharp.” He had a sandy complexion, a roman nose and high forehead. His mouth was a little twisted, as if he had lost many teeth on one side.
So: here we have James Clyman, dressed in his buckskins, outfitted with his customary rifle, knife, tomahawk, embarking with Ashley’s men on the Missouri River to begin his march into history. Following is Clyman’s own story of this first year in the mountains, 1823–1824. Clyman wrote this part of the narrative in 1871; since so much time had passed, his memory failed him on some dates, so correct dates have been inserted.
Narrative of 1823–24
Nappa April 17. 1871
“According to promis I will now attempt to give you a short detail of life and incidents of my trip in & through the Rockey Mountains in the years [1823] 1824–25, 26, 27, 28 and a portion of 1829
“Haveing been imployed in Public Surveys in the state of Illinois through the winter of 1823 [1822] and the early part of 24 [23] I came to St Louis about the first of February to ricieve pay for past services and rimaining there Some days I heard a report that general William H Ashly was engageing men for a Trip to the mouth of the Yellow Stone river I made enquiry as to what was the object but found no person who seemed to possess the desired information finding whare Ashleys dwelling was I called on him the same evening Several Gentlemen being present he invited me to call again on a certain evening which I did he then gave a lenthy acount of game found in that Region Deer, elk, Bear and Buffalo but to crown all immence Quantities of Beaver whose skins ware verry valuable selling from $5 to 8$ per pound at that time in St Louis and the men he wished to engage ware to [be] huters trappers and traders for furs and peltrees my curiosity now being satisfied St Louis being a fine place for Spending money I did not leave immediately not having spent all my finds I loitered about without (without) employment
“Haveing fomed a Slight acquaintance with Mr Ashley we occasionly passed each other on the streets at length one day Meeting him he told me he had been looking for me a few days back and enquired as to my employment I informed him that I was entirely unemployed he said he wished then that I would assist him ingageing men for his Rockey mountain epedition and he wished me to call at his house in the evening which I accordingly did getting instrutions as to whare I would most probably find men willing to engage which [were to be] found in grog Shops and other sinks of degredation he rented a house & furnished it with provisions Bread from to Bakers – pork plenty, which the men had to cook for themselves
“On the 8th [10th] of March 1824 [1823] all things ready we shoved off from the shore fired a swivel which was answered by a Shout from the shore which we returned with a will and porceed up stream under sail
“A discription of our crew I cannt give but Fallstafs Battallion was genteel in comparison I think we had about (70) seventy all told Two Keel Boats with crews of French some St Louis gumboes as they were called
“We proceeded slowly up the Misouri River under sail wen winds ware favourable and towline when not Towing or what was then calld cordell is a slow and tedious method of assending swift waters It is done by the men walking on the shore and hawling the Boat by a long cord Nothing of importance came under wiew for some months except loosing men who left us from time to time & engaging a few new men of a much better appearance than those we lost The Missourie is a monotinous crooked stream with large cottonwood forest trees on one side and small young groth on the other with a bare Sand Barr intervening I will state one circumstance only which will show something of the character of Missourie Boats men
“The winds are occasionally very strong and when head winds prevail we ware forced to lay by this circumstanc happend once before we left the Settlements the men went out gunning and that night came in with plenty of game Eggs Fowls Turkeys and what not Haveing a fire on shore they dressed cooked and eat untill midnight being care full to burn all the fragments the wind still Blowing in the morning several Neighbours came in hunting for poultry liberty was given to search the boats but they found nothing and left the wind abateing somewhat the cord was got out amd pulling around a bend the wind became a farir sailing breeze and [the sails] wa[r]e ordred unfurled when out droped pigs and poultry in abundance
“A man was ordred to Jump in the skiff and pick up the pigs and poultry
“Ariveing at Council Bluffs we m[a]de several exchanges (8) eight or Ten of our men enlisting and 2 or 3 of the Soldier whose [terms of enlistment] was nearly expired engageing with us The officers [at Fort Atkinson] being verry liberal furnished us with a Quantity of vegetables here we leave the last appearance of civilization and [enter] fully Indian country game becomeing more plenty we furnished ourselvs with meat daily
The Arikara fight
“But I pass on to the arickaree villages whare we met with our defeat on ariveing in sight of the villages the barr in front was lined with squaws packing up water thinking to have to stand a siege
“For a better understanding it is necessay that I state tha[t] the Missourie furr company have established a small trading house [perhaps one of the Teton River posts] some (60) or (80) miles below the arrickree villages the winter previous to our assent and the arrickarees haveing taken some Sioux squaws prisoners previously one of these Squaws got away from them and made for this trading post and they persuing come near overtaking her in sight of the post the men in the house ran out and fired on the Pesueing arrickarees killing (2) others so that Rees considered war was fully declared betwen them and the whites But genl. Asley thought he could make them understand that his [company] was not resposable for Injuries done by the Missourie fur company But the Rees could not make the distiction they however agreed to recieve pay for thier loss but the geeneral would make them a present but would not pay the Misourie fur companies da
mages
“After one days talk they agreed to open trade on the sand bar in front of the village but the onley article of Trade they wantd was ammunition For feare of a difficulty, the boats ware kept at anchor in the streame, and the skiffs were used for communications Betteen the boats and the shore. we obtained twenty horses in three d[a]ys trading, but in doing this we gave them a fine supply of Powder and ball which on [the] fourth day wee found out to [our] Sorrow
“In the night of the third day Several of our men without permition went and remained in the village amongst them our Interperter Mr [Edward] Rose about midnight he came runing into camp & informed us that one of our men [Aaron Stephens] was killed in the village and war was declared in earnest We had no Military organization diciplin or Subordination Several advised to cross over the river at once but thought best to wait untill day light But Gnl. Ashley our imployer Thought best to wait till morning and go into the village and demand the body of our comrade and his Murderer Ashley being the most interested his advice prevailed We laid on our arms e[x]pecting an attact as their was a continual Hubbub in the village
Escape from the Indians
“At length morning appeared every thing still undecided finally one shot was fired into our camp the distance being however to great for certain aim Shortly firing became Quite general we seeing nothing to fire at Here let me give a Short discription of an Indian City or village as it is usually cald Picture to your self (50) or (100) large potatoe holes as they are usuly caled in the west (10) to (15) feet in diameter and 8 to 10 feet high in the center covered on the outside with small willow brush then a (a) layer of coarse grass a coat of earth over all a hole in one side for a door and another in the top to let out the smoke a small fire in the center all Told The continual wars between them and Sioux had caused them to picket in their place You will easely prceive that we had little else to do than to Stand on a bear sand barr and be shot at, at long range Their being seven or Eigh hundred guns in village and we having the day previously furnished them with abundance of Powder and Ball [There were] many calls for the boats to come ashore and take us on board but no prayers or threats had the [slightest effect] the Boats men being completely Parylized Several men being wounded a skiff was brought ashore all rushed for the Skiff and came near sinking it but it went the boat full of men and water the shot still coming thicker and the aim better we making a brest work of our horses (most) they nerly all being killed the skiffs having taken sevarl loads on Board the boats at length the shot coming thicker and faster one of the skiffs (was turned) was let go the men clambering on Boad let the skiff float off in their great eaganess to conceal themselves from the rapid fire of the enemy I seeing no hopes of Skiffs or boats comeing ashore left my hiding place behind a dead hors, ran up stream a short distance to get the advantage of the current and concieving myself to be a tolerable strong swimer stuck the muzzle of my rifle in [my] belt the lock ove my head with all my clothes on but not having made sufficien calculation for the strong current was carried passed the boat within a few feet of the same one Mr Thomas Eddie [saw me] but the shot coming thick he did not venture from behin the cargo Box and so could not reach me with a setting pole which [he] held in his hands K[n]owing now or at [least] thinking that I had the river to swim my first aim was to rid myself of all my encumbraces and my Rifle was the greatest in my attempt to draw it over my head it sliped down the lock ketching in my belt comeing to the surface to breathe I found it hindred worse that it did at first making one more effort I turned the lock side ways and it sliped through which gave me some relief but still finding myself to much encumbred I next unbucled my belt and let go my Pistols still continueing to disengage my self I next let go my Ball Pouch and finally one Sleeve of my Hunting shirt which was buckskin and held an immence weight of water when rising to the surface I heard the voice of encoragemnt saying hold on Clyman I will soon relieve you This [from] Reed Gibson who had swam in and caught the skiff the men had let go afloat and was but a few rods from me I was so much exausted that he had to haul me into the skiff wh[ere] I lay for a moment to cacth breath when I arose to take the only remaing ore when Gibson caled oh, god I am shot and fell forward in the skiff I encouraged him and [said] Perhaps not fatally give a few pulls more and we will be out of reach he raised and gave sevreral more strokes with the oar using it as a paddle when [he] co[m]plained of feeling faint when he fell forward again and I took his plac in the sterm and shoved it across to the East shore whare we landed I hauled the skiff up on the shore and told Gibson to remain in the Skiff and I would go upon the high land whare I could see if any danger beset us thair. After getting up on the river bank and looking around I Discovered sevral Indian in the water swimming over [some] of whoom ware nearly across the stream I spoke to Gibson telling him of the circumstance he mearly said (said) save yourself Clyman and pay no attention to me as I am a dead man and they can get nothing of me but my Scalp My first Idea was to get in the skiff and meet them in the water and brain them with the oar But on second look I conconcluded there ware to many of them and they ware too near the shore then I looked for some place to hide But there being onley a scant row of brush along the shore I concluded to take to the open Pararie and run for life by this time Gibson had scrambled up the bank and stood by my side and said run Clyman but if you escape write to my friends in Virginia and tell them what has become of me I [ran] for the open Prarie and Gibson for the brush to hide at first I started a little distance down the river but fearing that I might be headed in some bend I steered directly for the open Prarie and looking Back I saw three Inians mount the bank being intirely divested of garments excepting a belt around the waist containing a Knife and Tomahawk and Bows and arrows in their [hands] they made but little halt and started after me one to the right the other to the left while the third took direct after me I took direct for the rising ground I think about three miles of[f] there being no chanc for dodging the ground being smooth and level but haveing the start of some 20 or 30 rods we had appearantle an even race for about one hour when I began to have the palpitation of the heart and I found my man was gaining on me I had now arived at a moderately roling ground and for the first time turned a hill out of sight I turned to the right and found a hole was[h]ed in the earth some 3 feet long 1½ feet wide and Pehaps 2 feet deep with weeds and grass perhaps one foot high surrounding it into this hole I droped and persuer immediatle hove in sight and passed me about fifty yards distant both my right an left hand persuers haveing fallen cosiderably in the rear and particularly the one on my right here fortune favoured me for my direct persuer soon passed over some uneven ground got out of sight when I arose and taking to the right struck into a low ground which covered me and following it soon came into a moderately steep ravine in all this time I gained breath and I did not see my persuers until I gained the top of the ridge over a Quarter of a mile from my friend when I gained this elevation I turned around [and saw] the three standing near together I made them a low bow with both my hand and thanked god for my present Safety and diliveranc
