The Butcher's Tale

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by Helmut Walser Smith


  9. Ibid., 964–65.

  10. Wilhelm Fuhrmann, Statistik des Kreises Konitz (Konitz, 1870), 18.

  11. Leszek Belzyt, Sprachliche Minderheiten im preußischen Staat, 1815–1914 (Marburg, 1998), 107.

  12. Michael A. Meyer, ed., German-Jewish History in Modern Times, vol. 2, Emancipation and Acculturation, 1780–1871, ed. Michael Brenner, Stefi Jersch-Wenzel, and Michael Meyer (New York, 1997), 54–57.

  13. These names are taken from an anti-Semitic postcard sent on 28 July 1900 and signed by seventeen “real German men,” among them Paul Kühn, the hotel owner. It cannot be proven that they were guests at Kühn’s hotel, though the likelihood is very high. MVAA 11, 30 (24 July 1901), 254.

  14. Iselin Gundermann and Walter Hubatsch, eds., Die evangelischen General-Kirchen- und Schulvisitationen in Ost- und Westpreußen 1853 bis 1944 (Göttingen, 1970), 228.

  15. KB, 9. We know that Bruhn sent free copies of the Staatsbürgerzeitung to citizens of Konitz, among them Mayor Deditius.

  16. GStAPK, Rep. I/84a (2.5.1), Nr. 16777, 85, Schweigger, 17 July 1901; ibid., Nr. 16776, 291–92, report of Inspector von Kracht, 26 March 1901. On the character of Kühn’s hotel, ML, 22–23.

  17. See SZ 36, 270 (13 June 1900). The “Defense” was also reprinted in its entirety in Antisemitische Correspondenz 15 (14 June 1900), 277–81.

  18. For its distribution, see MVAA 11, 3 (16 Jan. 2001), 20; and Antisemitische Correspondenz (21 June 1900), Beilage.

  19. MP, 813–14; KB, 13. The testimony is from Inspector Braun, who, however, was not sure whether it was Bruhn or the dentist Meibauer who said this. In the trial against the Staatsbürgerzeitung, Police Commissioner Block testified that Bruhn was alone, leaving two possibilities: either Bruhn (and not Meibauer) did indeed say this or Braun’s memory was not entirely accurate.

  20. According to the testimony of the engineer Kuby, MP, 712.

  21. Gustav Sutor, Der Konitzer Mord und seine Folgen (Berlin, 1900), 16.

  22. KB, 31.

  23. Ibid., 5.

  24. Ibid.

  25. MP, 946.

  26. GStAPK, Rep. 77, Tit. 500, no. 50, Bd. 2, 48, LA Konitz, 17 June 1900.

  27. Gérard Genette, Narrative Discourse: An Essay in Method, trans. Jane E. Lewin (Ithaca, 1980), 262.

  28. Robert Darnton, The Forbidden Best-Sellers of Pre-Revolutionary France (New York, 1995), 191.

  29. Barbara Meyerhoff, “‘Life Not Death in Venice’: Its Second Life,” in The Anthropology of Experience, ed. Victor Turner and Edward M. Bruner (Urbana and Chicago, 1986), 263.

  30. MP, 460.

  31. Ibid., 463. The interrogation took place on 25 April, the deposition given under oath on 2 May.

  32. GStAPK, Rep. I/84a (2.5.1), Nr. 16774, 155–56, Masloff deposition, 8 June 1900. The last detail he added at his subsequent trial. See MP, 8.

  33. The deposition is in GStAPK, Rep. I/84a (2.5.1), Nr. 16774, 143–47.

  34. The deposition of 2 June is in ibid., 11–36.

  35. MP, 59.

  36. GStAPK, Rep. I/84a (2.5.1), Nr. 16774, Anna Ross deposition, 28 April 1900.

  37. MP, 86.

  38. Ibid., 60, 87.

  39. On this incident, see also KB, 31. Block was temporarily stationed in Konitz from 1 April to 31 August.

  40. MP, 178.

  41. Ibid., 919.

  42. Ibid., 485–87.

  43. Ibid., 481.

  44. Ibid., 500, 507.

  45. Ibid., 500–501.

  46. Ibid.

  47. Ibid., 501.

  48. Ibid., 584–85.

  49. On Zimmer, see ML, 330; MP, 719.

  50. Genette, Narrative Discourse, 262; SZ, 1 May 1900; SZ 2 May 1900.

  51. SZ, 19 May 1900.

  52. SZ, 29 May 1900.

  53. SZ, 1 June 1900.

  54. MP, 469.

  55. MVAA 10, 46 (14 Nov. 1900), 361.

  56. GStAPK, Rep. 77, Tit. 500, no. 50, Bd. 3, 101, Joint memorandum of the minister of justice and of the interior, 11 Nov. 1900.

  57. MP, 1.

  58. IdR 7, 11 (1910), 596.

  59. MVAA 10, 45 (7 Nov. 1900), 354.

  60. Ibid.

  61. ML, 397.

  62. MP, 1074.

  63. MVAA 10, 47 (21 Nov. 1900), 370.

  64. IdR 6, 6–7 1900), 331.

  65. JP 31, 19(1900), 189.

  66. IdR 6, 6–7 (1900), 331.

  67. GStAPK, Rep. I/84a (2.5.1), Nr. 16777, 104–5, Schweigger, 25 July 1901.

  68. Ibid.

  69. Ibid.

  70. GStAPK, Rep. 77, Tit. 500, no. 50, Bd. 1, 140–1. Kommittee zur Winterchen Mordsache, 24 May 1900.

  71. Ibid.; MP, 611–12.

  72. For the story of Paul Orda, see GStAPK, Rep. I/84a (2.5.1), Nr. 16774, 213–20, Settegast, 6 June 1900.

  73. ML, 118. On Lübke, see MP, 416–17.

  74. MP, 423.

  75. KB, 29.

  76. GStAPK, Rep. I/84a (2.5.1), Nr. 16776, 224–29, deposition of Johann Winkelmann, 11 June 1900.

  77. Ibid., 207–8, Anlage zu Settegast, 18 June 1900.

  78. MP, 548–49.

  79. Ibid., 646, 861. When he was younger, Hellwig supposedly believed in witches.

  80. Ibid., 669–70.

  81. Ibid., 678.

  82. Ibid., 669ff.

  83. Ibid., 861; MVAA 10, 45 (7 Nov. 1900), 355–56.

  84. SZ, Nr. 150 (30March 1900). The word for Jewish girl is “Schicksei,” which in more modern Yiddish has come to mean Christian girl, but in earlier times as often meant Jewish girls, especially those who were not pious and did not keep a kosher household. The unabridged Muret-Sanders of 1905 offers only “Jewish girl” as a translation. Moreover, given the stories about Winter and Selma Tuchler and Meta Caspari, this meaning can also be derived from the context.

  85. MVAA 10, 25 (20 June 1900), 196.

  86. Henry Louis Gates, ed., Race, Writing, and Difference (Chicago, 1985), 5.

  87. The story is recounted in MP, 910–11.

  88. Ibid., 933.

  89. Ibid., 920–21.

  90. Ibid., 934.

  91. Ibid., 372, 383.

  92. Ibid., 382.

  93. Ibid., 237; IdR 4 (1901), 230.

  94. MVAA 12, 42 (15 Oct. 1902), 321.

  95. KB, 7–8.

  96. Peter Brooks, Reading for the Plot: Design and Intention in Narrative (New York, 1984), 12.

  97. See, in general, Toni Morrison, Playing in the Dark: Whiteness and the Literary Imagination (New York, 1992).

  98. The Riverside Chaucer, ed. Larry D. Benson, 3rd ed. (Boston, 1987), 210.

  99. Morrison, Playing in the Dark, xi.

  CHAPTER THREE: HISTORY

  1. Quoted in Christopher Ocker, “Ritual Murder and the Subjectivity of Christ: A Choice in Medieval Christianity,” Harvard Theological Review 91, 2 (1998), 175–76.

  2. On the early period, see esp. Bernhard Blumenkranz, Juifs et Chrétiens dans le monde occidental, 430–1096 (Paris, 1960), and, for substantial agreement, albeit with caveats, Robert Chazan, European Jewry and the First Crusade (Berkeley, 1987), 27–37.

  3. Gavin Langmuir, History, Religion, and Antisemitism (Berkeley, 1990), 298–99. Among scholars of medieval history, one of the central points of contention is the role of Thomas of Monmouth in generating the myth. For the position that he was principally responsible, see Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism (Berkeley, 1990), 209–36. For the argument that he was not, see John M. McCulloh, “Jewish Ritual Murder: William of Norwich, Thomas of Monmouth, and the Early Dissemination of the Myth,” Speculum 72 (1997), 698–740.

  4. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, trans. and ed. M. J. Swanton (London, 1996), 265–66. Erroneously, the scribe situated the murder among the events of 1137.

  5. Robert Chazan, Medieval Stereotypes and Modern Antisemitism (Berkeley, 1997), 66.

  6. Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, 216.

  7. It is true that in the ancient world the idea that Jews engaged in ritual killing
had surfaced before. The historian Posidonius related a case of cannibalism from the second century B.C.E. in which Jews fattened and ate a Greek soldier in order to express their antipathy. In the first century C.E., Apion in Alexandria recounted the tale, adding that the Jews did this every year. In the same century, Flavius Josephus, in Against Apion, also recounted the tale, if only to refute it. The other story that surfaced involved the Jews of Immenstar, in Syria, in the year 415 C.E. During the feast of Purim, some drunken Jews allegedly tied to a cross an effigy of Hamann (who in the Book of Esther unsuccessfully plots to kill all the Jews of the Persian Empire in the fifth century B.C.E.) and tortured the boy until he died. But the best evidence suggests that neither story—cannibalism in the second century, crucifixion in the fifth—had made its way to England by the middle of the twelfth century. For the argument, see Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, 211–16.

  8. Charles Homer Haskins, The Renaissance of the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, 1928).

  9. Chazan, Medieval Stereotypes and Modern Antisemitism, 11, 17, 21. For an excellent general overview, see also Michael Toch, Die Juden im mittelalterlichen Reich (Munich, 1998).

  10. R. I. Moore, The Formation of a Persecuting Society: Power and Deviance in Western Europe, 950–1250 (Oxford, 1987), 6–11.

  11. Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, 264.

  12. Cited in Hermann L. Strack, The Jew and Human Sacrifice, trans. Henry Blanchamp (New York, 1909), 179.

  13. The texts, in Latin and German, are reproduced in Dokumenten zur Aufklarung, vol. 2, Die Blutbeschuldigung gegen die Juden (Vienna, 1900), 108–13.

  14. Ibid., 114–17. See also, for commentaries on the text, Moritz Stern, ed., Urkundliche Beiträge über die Stellung der Päpste zu den Juden (Kiel, 1893), 63–69.

  15. For a recent summary, see Robert Stacey, “From Ritual Crucifixion to Host Desecration: Jews and the Body of Christ,” Jewish History 12, 1 (Spring 1998), 12–13. For more detail, see Miri Rubin, Corpus Christi (Cambridge, 1991).

  16. A translation of the decrees of the Fourth Lateran Council may be found in H. J. Schroeder, Disciplinary Decrees of the General Councils: Text, Translation, and Commentary (St. Louis, 1937), 236–96.

  17. Quoted in Henry Osborn Taylor, The Medieval Mind, 4th ed., vol. 2 (Cambridge, Mass., 1949), 452. On the reception of Aristotle, and the timing of the translations, see Bernard G. Dod, “Aristotles latinus,” in The Cambridge History of Later Medieval Philosophy, ed. Norman Kretzmann, Anthony Kenny, and Jan Pinborg (Cambridge, 1982), 45–79.

  18. Cited in Rubin, Corpus Christi, 30.

  19. Cited ibid., 14.

  20. Beth A. Conklin, Consuming Grief: Compassionate Cannibalism in an Amazonian Society (Austin, 2001).

  21. This insight I owe to Dr. Siegfried Weichlein of Humboldt University.

  22. Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, 263–81. For this line of reasoning, see also Alan Dundes, The Blood Libel Legend: A Casebook in Anti-Semitic Folklore (Madison, Wis.,. 1991), 336–78.

  23. Willi-Erich Peukert, “Ritualmord,” Handwörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens, ed. Hanns Bächtold-Stäubli and E. Hoffmann-Krayer, 10 vols. (Berlin, 1927–42), 7:734.

  24. Miri Rubin, Gentile Tales: The Narrative Assault on Late Medieval Jews (New Haven, 1999), 48. Friedrich Lotter, “Hostienfrevelvorwurf und Blutwundverfälschung bei den Judenverfolgungen von 1298 (‘Rintfleisch’) und 1336–1338 (‘Armleder’),” in Fälschungen im Mittelalter, ed. Monumenta Germaniae Historica (Hanover, 1988), 533–83.

  25. Simon Dubnow, Geschichte des jüdischen Volkes in Europa, vol. 5 (Berlin, 1927), 298.

  26. Quoted in Rubin, Gentile Tales, 50. According to Lotter, “Hostienfrevelvorwurf und Blutverfälschung,” 553, the host desecration charge followed, rather than preceded, the massacres in Buren, Deggendorf, Würzburg, Weikersheim, Möckmühl, and Iphofen. See also ibid., 555, for the argument that Rintfleisch was more likely a butcher.

  27. Das Martyrologium des Nürnberger Memorbuches, ed. Siegmund Saalfeld (Berlin, 1898), 346.

  28. Rubin, Gentile Tales, 50.

  29. To trace the Rintfleisch massacres, see the map appended to Germania Judaica, vol. 2, Von 1238 bis zur Mitte des 14. Jahrhunderts, ed. Zvi Avneri (Tübingen, 1968). For the fate of individual families, see the partial list of martyrs in Das Martyrologium des Nürnberger Memorbuches, 164–214.

  30. Rubin, Gentile Tales, 50.

  31. The reference is to Robert Conquest, Reflections on a Ravaged Century (New York, 2000).

  32. Lotter, “Hostienfrevelvorwurf und Blutwundverfälschung,” 564.

  33. Ibid., 565–71.

  34. Heinrich Graetz, Volkstümliche Geschichte der Juden, vol. 4 (Berlin and Vienna, 1923), 307.

  35. Dubnow, Weltgeschichte des jüdischen Volkes, 300–309.

  36. Alfred Haverkamp, “Die Judenverfolgung zur Zeit des Schwarzen Todes im Gesellschaftsgefüge deutscher Städte,” in Zur Geschichte der Juden im Deutschland des späten Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit, ed. Alfred Haverkamp (Stuttgart, 1981), 27–93.

  37. Dubnow, Weltgeschichte des jüdischen Volkes, 300–309; Haverkamp, “Die Judenverfolgung zur Zeit des Schwarzen Todes,” 38.

  38. For evidence that Job figures prominently in the Hebrew lamentations of the time, see Das Martyrologium des Nürnberger Memorbuches, 311–59.

  39. Germania judaica, 2:604. The stones of the staircase could be seen until 1917, when the staircase collapsed.

  40. Das Martyrologium des Nürnberger Memorbuches, 180. See also Michael Toch, “Siedlungsstruktur der Juden Mitteleuropas im Wandel vom Mittelalter zur Neuzeit,” in Juden in der christlichen Umwelt während des späten Mittelalters, ed. Alfred Haverkamp and Franz-Josef Ziwes (Berlin, 1992), 30.

  41. Toch, “Siedlungsstruktur der Juden Mitteleuropas,” 35–37.

  42. For the view that Poland was not entirely hospitable, see Kacek Wijacka, “Die Einwanderung der Juden und antijüdische Exzesse im späten Mittelalter,” in Judenvertreibungen in Mittelalter und früher Neuzeit, ed. Friedhelm Burgard, Alfred Haverkamp, and Gerd Mentgen (Hanover, 1999), 241–56.

  43. On the trials, see Wolfgang Behringer, Hexen: Glaube, Verfolgung, Vermarktung, 2nd ed. (Munich, 2000), 35.

  44. R. Po-chia Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder: Jews and Magic in Reformation Germany (New Haven, 1988), 42.

  45. Wolfgang Treue, “Schlechte und gute Christen: Zur Rolle von Christen in antijüdischen Ritualmord- und Hostienschändigungslegenden,” Ashkenaz 2 (1992), 115.

  46. Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, 46–50.

  47. Fritz Backhaus, “Die Vertreibung der Juden aus dem Erzbistum Magdeburg und angrenzenden Territorien im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert,” in Judenvertreibungen im Mittelalter, 227, 239.

  48. Moritz Stern, ed., Andreas Oslanders Schrift über die Blutbeschuldigung (Kiel, 1893), 7–9.

  49. Ibid.

  50. Ludwig Geiger, Das Studium der Hebräischen Sprache in Deutschland vom Ende des XIV. bis zur Mitte des XVI. Jahrhunderts (Breslau, 1870). See also the brief comments in Ronnie Po-chia Hsia, “Witchcraft, Magic, and the Jews in Late Medieval and Early Modern Germany,” in From Witness to Witchcraft: Jews and Judaism in Medieval Christian Thought, ed. Jeremy Cohen (Wiesbaden, 1996), 432–33.

  51. Eisenmenger, Entdecktes Judenthum, vol. 2 (Königsberg, 1711), 227.

  52. Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, 217.

  53. Ibid., 214.

  54. Johann Jacob Schudt, Jüdische Merkwürdigkeiten, 4 vols. (Frankfurt am Main, 1714–17), 1:468, 3:328. The first story is taken from Christof Wagenseil.

  55. Ibid., 3:329–30.

  56. Ibid., 330.

  57. Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, 211–13; Johann Wolfgang Goethe, Dichtung und Wahrheit, in Sämtliche Werke, ser. 1, vol. 14 (Frankfurt am Main, 1986), 165.

  58. Goethe, Dichtung und Wahrheit, 165. On Eisenmenger’s Entdecktes Judenthum in the personal library of his father, see German-Jewish History in Modern Times, 1:157.

  59. Rainer Erb and Albert Lic
htblau, “‘Es hat nie einen jüdischen Ritualmord gegeben.’ Konflikte um die Abschaffung der Verehrung des Andreas von Rinn,” Oesterreichische Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft, 17, 3 (1989), 136–38.

  60. Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, 219–21. Indeed, the depiction in the nave of the church of Jews stabbing Andreas Oxner with knives remained there until well after World War II, when Simon Wiesenthal discovered it, and even then its removal awaited Vatican II. See Dundes, The Blood Libel Legend, 342–43. For the politics surrounding the removal of the anti-Semitic heritage of Rinn and Judenstein, see Bernhard Fresacher, Anderl von Rinn: Ritualmordkult und Neuorientierung in Judenstein, 1945–2995 (Innsbruck, 1998).

  61. R. Po-chia Hsia, Trent 1475: Stories of a Ritual Murder Trial (New Haven, 1992), 134.

  62. Karl von Amira, ed., Das Endinger Judenspiel (Halle, 1883), 8.

  63. Fr. Rohrbacher, Ursula von Lienz: Ein von Juden gemartertes Christenkind (Brixen, 1905), 13–14.

  64. Germania Judaica, 2:666.

  65. Ibid., 450.

  66. Ludwig Steub, Altbayrische Culturbikier (Leipzig, 1869), 119.

  67. The text of the song is printed ibid., 146–50. For the play, Germania Judaica 2:157.

  68. Amira, ed., Das Endinger Judenspiel.

  69. Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder, 40.

  70. Stefan Rohrbacher and Michael Schmidt, Judenbilder: Kulturgeschichte antijüdischer Mythen und antisemitischer Vorurteile (Reinbeck-Hamburg, 1991), 287.

  71. Zenon Gulden and JacekWijaczka, “The Accusation of Ritual Murder in Poland, 1500–1800,” Polin 10 (1997), 139–40.

  72. Zenon Gulden and Jacek Wijaczka, Procesy o Mordy Rytulne w Polsce w XVI–XVIII (Kielce, 1995), esp. 96–101.

  73. Strack, The Jew and Human Sacrifice, 205.

  74. Stephan Zuchowski, Process kryminalny o niewinne dziecie Krasnowskiego juz to trzecie roku 1710 dnia 18 siepnia w Sendomirzu okrutinie od Zydow zamordowane (n.p., 1713); On the Sandomierz case, see Gulden and Wijaczka, “The Accusation of Ritual Murder in Poland,” 125–28.

  75. For a summary and a refutation of this work, see Jacob Tugendhold, Der alte Wahn vom Blutgebrauch der Israeliten am Osterfest (Berlin, 1858). This pamphlet was originally published in Polish in 1836.

  76. Gutachten Ganganelli’s in Angelegenheit der Blutbeschuldigung der Juden, trans. A. Berliner (Berlin, 1888), 1.

 

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