Fatal Discord

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Fatal Discord Page 104

by Michael Massing


  was becoming a burden: Brecht, Martin Luther, 61, 67–69; Bainton, Here I Stand, 40–42.

  Though he constantly confessed: Luther’s Works, vol. 27, 73.

  “You are a fool!”: Ibid., vol. 54, “Table Talk,” no. 122, 15.

  though abbreviated in length: Ibid., vol. 31, 129.

  “the cause of all sedition”: Ibid., vol. 54, “Table Talk,” no. 1240, 127–128.

  The main text was the Sentences: Friedenthal, Luther, 56–57.

  “I am well, thank God”: Preserved Smith, ed., Luther’s Correspondence and Other Contemporary Letters, vol. 1, no. 2, to Johan Braun, March 17, 1509, 24.

  A copy of the volume he used: Fife, Revolt of Martin Luther, 149.

  Luther cited the bishop of Hippo: Ibid., 154; Oberman, Luther, 159; Brecht, Martin Luther, 94.

  none would have a more galvanizing effect: MacCulloch, Reformation, 108.

  a volume of Augustine’s writings: Oberman, Luther, 158–159.

  “devoured” him: Luther’s Works, vol. 54, “Table Talk,” 49.

  was the Confessions: The volume of Augustine that Luther annotated contained The Trinity and the City of God. It is clear, though, that Luther also closely read the Confessions, for he cited the work many times in his First Lectures on the Psalms, which he began in August 1513; see, for instance, Luther’s Works, vol. 10, 27, 43, 57, 64, 86, 142.

  grew up in a small inland town: For the essentials of Augustine’s life and writings, see Brown, Augustine of Hippo; Walker, History of the Christian Church, 197–206.

  read the comedies of Terence: Confessions, trans. R. S. Pine-Coffin, 37, 33, 35.

  seized by an impulse: Ibid., 43, 49, 45.

  Augustine lied to his tutor: Ibid., 47, 49, 52.

  The second city in the Western Empire: Brown, Augustine of Hippo, 65.

  “hissing cauldron of lust”: Confessions, 55.

  “swollen with conceit”: Ibid., 58.

  “began to throb”: Ibid., 58–59.

  to feel himself held fast: Ibid., 164.

  “unclean whispers”: Ibid., 176.

  “How long shall I go on saying”: Ibid., 177.

  “Take it and read”: Ibid., 177; “it was as though,” 178.

  he began writing the Confessions: Brown, Augustine of Hippo, 161–181.

  notorious swearers of oaths: Ibid., 149.

  gives the Confessions its modern feel: See James J. O’Donnell, Augustine: A New Biography, 83–84; Joseph Havens, “Notes on Augustine’s ‘Confession,’” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 5(1): 141–143, Autumn 1965. William James, in The Varieties of Religious Experience (147), refers to Augustine’s “psychological genius” in recounting the travails of his “divided self” (New York: Collier, 1961).

  “My sin was this”: Confessions, 40–41; “There can be no hope”: 233.

  the one with Pelagius: On Pelagius, see B. R. Rees, introduction, The Letters of Pelagius and His Followers; Walker, History of the Christian Church, 206–209; Brown, Augustine of Hippo, 341–355, 365–375; MacCulloch, Reformation, 104–107; O’Donnell, Augustine, 261–264, 271–278.

  Pelagius bristled at Augustine’s stress: Brown, Augustine of Hippo, 343; O’Donnell, Augustine, 262.

  Arriving in Hippo in 410: Brown, Augustine of Hippo, 340–344; Walker, History of the Christian Church, 207.

  “It is possible to do”: Letter to Demetrias, in Rees, Letters of Pelagius and His Followers, 37, 54. As Rees notes, this letter—addressed to the fourteen-year-old daughter of an aristocratic Roman widow—offers the most complete account of Pelagius’s views. With its praise for chastity and instructions for virgins, it touches on many of the same themes as Jerome’s letter to Eustochium.

  set out to discredit: Walker, History of the Christian Church, 208; Rees, Letters of Pelagius and His Followers, 21.

  “a dolt of dolts”: Quoted in The Cambridge History of the Bible, vol. 1, 516.

  masterwork, the City of God: See the discussion in Brown, Augustine of Hippo, 302–329; Walker, History of the Christian Church, 204–206.

  into the medieval world: Cantor, in Civilization of the Middle Ages (75), calls Augustine the first medieval thinker.

  in most modern editions: The Penguin edition of City of God cited here (trans. Henry Bettenson) is 1,091 pages long.

  had been powerless to prevent: Ibid., 8–9, 50ff, 69, 131ff, 143ff.

  the Fall: Ibid., 524, 538–541, 541, 547, 580. See also Brown, Augustine of Hippo, 238–239; Ozment, Age of Reform, 22–28; MacCulloch, Reformation, 104.

  “Death has passed”: City of God, 511.

  to give it such prominence: Justo L. González, A History of Christian Thought, vol. 2 (Nashville: Abington Press, 1971), 42–44; Charles Freeman, The Closing of the Western Mind, 288–293. Norman Powell Williams, in The Idea of the Fall of Original Sin (London: Longmans, Green, 1927), notes (xix) that it was Augustine who elaborated Paul’s inchoate references on the subject into a theory.

  man’s warped nature: City of God, 1065.

  “undeserved”: Ibid., 547.

  knows all things before they happen: Ibid., 192.

  “why should he not have”: Ibid., 976.

  The one is a community: Ibid., 573.

  one of the most damning epithets: MacCulloch, Reformation, 110.

  its proponents were branded as heretics: Brown, in Augustine of Hippo (367), observes that the victory of Augustine’s ideas over those of Pelagius is “one of the most important symptoms of that profound change that we call ‘The End of the Ancient World and the Beginning of the Middle Ages.’”

  the Vandals: Ibid., 424.

  Pelagianism would not die: Walker, History of the Christian Church, 210–211; Cantor, Civilization of the Middle Ages, 84–85.

  came to be known as semi-Pelagian: Rees, Letters of Pelagius and His Followers, 5–6; Bernhard Lohse, A Short History of Christian Doctrine, 122–131.

  endorsed such an approach: Walker, History of the Christian Church, 212–217; Cantor, Civilization of the Middle Ages, 85.

  Augustine offered the framework: Brown, Augustine of Hippo, 206–208, 214; Cantor, Civilization of the Middle Ages, 78.

  further diluted by the late Scholastics: Ozment, Age of Reform, 233–234.

  CHAPTER 9: RENAISSANCE TOUR

  “I believe”: Collected Works of Erasmus, vol. 2, no. 191, to Richard Whitford, May 1, 1506, 113.

  “are generally spread”: Ibid., vol. 10, 471.

  He wore simple clothes: These details are taken from a long portrait written by Erasmus years later, Collected Works of Erasmus, vol. 7, no. 999, to Ulrich Hutten, July 23, 1519, 15–25.

  “Remedies for Ending”: Clarence H. Miller et al., eds., The Complete Works of St. Thomas More (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984), vol. 3, part 2, 267.

  Fascinated by excrement: Peter Ackroyd, The Life of Thomas More, 230–231.

  lived in the Charterhouse: Ibid., 97–98; Derek Wilson, In the Lion’s Court: Power, Ambition, and Sudden Death in the Court of Henry VIII, 23–24.

  jointly set out to translate them: Rummel, Erasmus as a Translator of the Classics, 49ff.

  most popular author of the Renaissance: Smith, Erasmus, 193.

  An irreverent misanthrope: Christopher Robinson, “Lucian,” in T. James Luce, ed., Ancient Writers: Greece and Rome, vol. 2 (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1982), 1081–1095.

  “satirizes everything”: Collected Works of Erasmus, vol. 2, 116.

  would show up in many of Erasmus’s works: Christopher Robinson, Lucian and His Influence in Europe, 165–197; Robert P. Adams, The Better Part of Valor: More, Erasmus, Colet, and Vives on Humanism, War, and Peace, 33–34.

  to meet William Warham: Collected Works of Erasmus, vol. 9, 297–298.

  to send his two sons: Ibid., vol. 2, 118.

  “at the mercy of wind and wave”: Ibid., 115, 117, 120.

  “On the Troubles of Old Age”: Collected Works of Erasmus, vol. 85, 12–25.

  ear
ly version of a diploma mill: Paul F. Grendler, “How to Get a Degree in Fifteen Days: Erasmus’ Doctorate of Theology from the University of Turin,” Erasmus of Rotterdam Society Yearbook, 18: 40–64, 1998.

  The Italian wars: Charles Oman, A History of the Art of War in the Sixteenth Century, 3–13, 30–39. Max Boot, in his introduction to War Made New: Technology, Warfare, and the Course of History, 1500 to Today (New York: Gotham Books, 2006), writes that the French invasion of Italy in 1494 marked the start of the modern age “in which warfare, which had remained relatively static for a thousand years, would change with bewildering and accelerating rapidity.”

  slipped from its control: Peter Partner, The Lands of St. Peter: The Papal State in the Middle Ages and Early Renaissance, 437.

  the pope decided on military action: E. Rodocanachi, Histoire de Rome: Le Pontificat de Jules II, 61ff.

  were all at work: Phillips, Erasmus and the Northern Renaissance, 46.

  triumphantly entered it: Pastor, History of the Popes, vol. 6, 281; Rodocanachi, Histoire de Rome, 73–76.

  a “mighty groan”: Quoted in Bainton, Erasmus of Christendom, 81; “waging war,” Collected Works of Erasmus, vol. 2, 128.

  could see the effects: Barker, Adages of Erasmus, 121.

  The ducat was an international coin: R. A. Scotti, Basilica: The Splendor and the Scandal: Building St. Peter’s, 80.

  sent a letter to Aldus Manutius: Collected Works of Erasmus, vol. 2, no. 207, October 28 [1507], 129–33; see also 139–40 for details about his approach to Aldus.

  Europe’s richest, grandest, most cosmopolitan city: Deno John Geanakoplos, Byzantium: Church, Society, and Civilization Seen Through Contemporary Eyes, 69–70; David Chambers and Brian Pullan, eds., Venice: A Documentary History, 1450–1630 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001), 5–20.

  Europe’s leading book center: Martin Lowry, The World of Aldus Manutius: Business and Scholarship in Renaissance Venice, 7ff.

  the Aldine Press was king: Lowry, ibid., 149, notes, however, that the house had reached its peak in 1502–1503.

  Aldus became so fed up: Ibid., 165–166. “Whoever you are”: Chambers and Pullan, Venice, 360.

  a sort of international house: Elizabeth L. Eisenstein, The Printing Revolution in Early Modern Europe, second edition, 112.

  The Aldine house: Febvre and Martin, Coming of the Book, 145–146; Lowry, World of Aldus Manutius, 130–131.

  a dolphin wrapped around an anchor: An illustration appears in Barker, Adages of Erasmus, 133.

  a much larger cascade: Febvre and Martin, Coming of the Book, 248–255, 264–266.

  to produce octavo editions: Lowry, World of Aldus Manutius, 142–143, 147–148.

  invited him to join his academy: Collected Works of Erasmus, vol. 2, 139–140. See Erasmus’s own description of his relations with Aldus in his adage “Make Haste Slowly,” in Barker, Adages of Erasmus, 144–145.

  “I’m learning”: Quoted in Phillips, “Adages” of Erasmus, 68. See also Huizinga, Erasmus, 64.

  on Herculei labores: Barker, Adages of Erasmus, 219–238; “to restoring the monuments,” 223; “a few snorts of contempt,” 224; “immense labors,” 225; carried off the prize, 236.

  giving birth to the modern personal essay: Peter Mack, “Humanist Rhetoric and Dialectic,” in Kraye, The Cambridge Companion to Renaissance Humanism (95), observes that the essay was the most important new genre of the sixteenth century.

  Adagorium chiliades: See Phillips, “Adages” of Erasmus, 69–86.

  a reeking, overgrown wasteland: On Rome’s appearance in this period, see Rodocanachi, Histoire de Rome, 40–44; Ingrid D. Rowland, The Culture of the High Renaissance: Ancients and Moderns in Sixteenth-Century Rome, 8–9; Charles L. Stinger, The Renaissance in Rome, 61; Peter Partner, Renaissance Rome, 81, 95–96.

  “Rome is not Rome”: Collected Works of Erasmus, vol. 28, 431.

  Its economy: Partner, Renaissance Rome, 47–73; information about Rome’s courier service, 52.

  humanists dominated the Curia: D’Amico, Renaissance Humanism in Papal Rome, xvi, 3–4, 12.

  While in Rome: Erasmus was actually in Rome three times, with side trips taken to Siena and Naples.

  fell in with this group: D’Amico, Renaissance Humanism in Papal Rome, 138–139; Halkin, Erasmus, 69.

  exclusive world of the cardinals: D’Amico, Renaissance Humanism in Papal Rome, 46–56; Rodocanachi, Histoire de Rome, 83–86; Stinger, Renaissance in Rome, 30.

  Raffaele Riario: See “Riario, Raffaele,” in Contemporaries of Erasmus.

  “In Rome”: Collected Works of Erasmus, vol. 2, 297.

  “I myself never enjoyed”: Quoted in Halkin, Erasmus, 70.

  “raving against Christ”: Collected Works of Erasmus, vol. 17, 331.

  “For seven whole years now”: Ibid., vol. 28, 346, 384–387; see also D’Amico, Renaissance Humanism in Papal Rome, 123–142; Smith, Erasmus, 114.

  Julius had established himself: Hibbert, Rome, 139–141; Rodocanachi, Histoire de Rome, 78, 81–83, 85; Pastor, History of the Popes, vol. 6, 212–217.

  asked Erasmus to compose: Collected Works of Erasmus, vol. 9, 351.

  wanted to restore the city: Pastor, History of the Popes, vol. 6, 229, 493–496; Partner, Renaissance Rome, 180–181.

  one giant construction site: Julian Klaczko, Rome and the Renaissance: The Pontificate of Julius II, 24.

  became a sort of minister: Pastor, History of the Popes, vol. 6, 461.

  the Vatican: Ibid., 484–487; Rowland, Culture of the High Renaissance, 171–174; Hibbert, Rome, 142; Partner, Renaissance Rome, 118–119; Rodocanachi, Histoire de Rome, 54–58; Stinger, Renaissance Humanism in Papal Rome, 267–272.

  Julius brought Raphael: Pastor, History of the Popes, vol. 6, 540ff.

  a grand monument to himself: Scotti, Basilica, 33; Hibbert: Rome, 143.

  one real possibility: James Lees-Milne, Saint Peter’s : The Story of Saint Peter’s Basilica in Rome, 89ff; Pastor, History of the Popes, vol. 6, 461ff; Scotti, Basilica, 37–39.

  in urgent need of repair: Lees-Milne, Saint Peter’s, 124, 135–136; Scotti, Basilica, 35–40.

  produced a design: Pastor, History of the Popes, vol. 6, 464–468.

  At dawn on April 18, 1506: Ibid., 473–474; Scotti, Basilica, 7–10; Rodocanachi, Histoire de Rome, 54–55.

  The wrecking crews: Pastor, History of the Popes, vol. 6, 476–480; Lees-Milne, Saint Peter’s, 142; Klaczko, Rome and the Renaissance, 20.

  an enormous strain on papal finances: Scotti, Basilica, 80, 104.

  Europe’s wealthiest institution: On the sources of the Church’s wealth, see Scotti, Basilica, 68–72; “Papacy,” in Encyclopedia of the Renaissance.

  found the coffers nearly empty: Rodocanachi, Histoire de Rome, 33; Scotti, Basilica, 67.

  the Roman Curia: Stinger, Renaissance in Rome, 123–140; Partner, Renaissance Rome, 56–64; D’Amico, Renaissance Humanism in Papal Rome, 21ff; “Papacy,” in Encyclopedia of the Renaissance.

  The hub of all this: Stinger, Renaissance in Rome, 124–128.

  Agostino Chigi: Pastor, History of the Popes, vol. 8, 116–120; Scotti, Basilica, 81–83.

  in the final days of his papacy: Scotti, Basilica, 104.

  “the bright lights”: Collected Works of Erasmus, vol. 3, 94.

  “the swill of men”: Ibid., vol. 28, 431.

  an urgent letter: Ibid., vol. 2, no. 215, May 27 [1509], 147–151.

  Erasmus left: Ibid., 151.

  He mused on how closely More’s name: Ibid., 161.

  CHAPTER 10: SELF-RIGHTEOUS JEWS

  a grave disturbance in his order: Schwiebert, Luther, 181; Brecht, Martin Luther, 53, 99–100; Marius, Martin Luther, 79–80; David Gutierrez, The Augustinians in the Middle Ages, 1357–1517, vol. 1, part 2, History of the Order of St. Augustine (Villanova: Augustinian Historical Institute, 1983), 11–13, 43–46.

  on foot: Schwiebert, in Luther (181), estimates that on a good day it was possible to cover twenty-fiv
e miles on foot.

  walked one behind the other: Friedenthal, Luther, 70; Fife, Revolt of Martin Luther, 165–168; Heinrich Bochmer, Road to Reformation, 72–77.

  Luther was impressed: Luther’s Works, vol. 54, “Table Talk,” no. 3930, 296, and no. 3956, 298; Friedenthal, Luther, 78.

  “Hail, sacred Rome”: Quoted in Fife, Revolt of Martin Luther, 168; original is in Luthers Werke, Tischreden, vol. 5, no. 6059, 467.

  to make a one-day tour: Brecht, Martin Luther, 102–103; Friedenthal, Luther, 82–83; Boehmer, Road to Reformation, 63.

  “Who knows whether it is true?”: Brecht, Martin Luther, 103.

  several unsettling moments: Luther’s Works, vol. 14, 6; Luthers Werke, Tischreden, vol. 3, no. 3428, 313. See also Brecht, Martin Luther, 102; Boehmer, Road to Reformation, 67; Bainton, Here I Stand, 37; Friedenthal, Luther, 86; Oberman, Luther, 149.

  also saw St. Peter’s: Friedenthal, Luther, 83.

  “madman full of religious zeal”: Quoted in Schwiebert, Luther, 188; Luther’s Works, vol. 14, 6.

  “Like a fool”: Luthers Werke, vol. 47, 392. See also Boehmer, Road to Reformation, 80.

  Wittenberg seemed more a village: Schwiebert, Luther, 199–220; Brecht, Martin Luther, 107–111.

  Luther would later remark: Cited in Fife, Revolt of Martin Luther, 130.

  smaller than the one in Erfurt: Brecht, Martin Luther, 107, 121.

  had the right to brew beer: Ibid., 110.

  “very borderland of civilization”: Quoted in Schwiebert, Luther, 205.

  all vied for supremacy: Ibid., 268ff; Maria Grossmann, Humanism in Wittenberg, 54, 85; Brecht, Martin Luther, 120.

  remained a stalwart Catholic: Grossmann, Humanism in Wittenberg, 25–26; Brecht, Martin Luther, 111, 117.

  forward-looking on cultural ones: Grossmann, Humanism in Wittenberg, 116ff; Friedenthal, Luther, 69–70.

  Albrecht Dürer: Grossmann, Humanism in Wittenberg, 123.

  main sources of revenue: Ibid., 34.

  created a library: Ibid., 100, 109; Schwiebert, Luther, 244–253.

  George Spalatin: See the biographical note in Luther’s Works, vol. 48, 8. On Spalatin and the library, see Grossmann, Humanism in Wittenberg, 105–112; Andrew Pettegree, Brand Luther, 44–46.

 

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