Harding: Then came the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.
Rawalpindi: Quite right, Mr Harding. The United States needed its Cold-War ally back and we let them take us. American relations with China were improving at the time, and Beijing, which had no love for the Soviets either, told us it didn’t mind. In 1990, the Cold War ended and the Soviets were out of Afghanistan. But the nuclear-proliferation issue raised its ugly head and the United States stabbed us in the back again. We were making legitimate efforts to create a nuclear deterrent against India, yet the Pressler Amendment made all US aid conditional on our not possessing a nuclear device.
Harding: So you went to China?
Rawalpindi: Washington cut more than half a billion dollars of the money it had promised us. Yes, we went to China, and I for one regret we ever again danced to Washington’s tune. America corrupted our ruling classes and its support for the mujahedin guerrillas in Afghanistan, created a monster of violent religious fundamentalism which we are now having to contend with. That is why the people of Pakistan and the armed forces support the middle way being forged by General Hamid Khan and his government.
Harding: Gentlemen, I’ve just been told that the Reuters news agency is sending over dramatic and horrific pictures of the situation inside Tibet. They have been smuggled out of Lhasa to Beijing. We don’t know how and we are now going over live to that Reuters feed and I’m told what we are seeing now is a protest outside the official buildings of the government of Lhasa.
The camera was on a position above the crowd and held completely steady, letting the action take place within the frame. Hundreds of demonstrators were at a junction of two major roads. A traffic light in the left-hand top corner of the screen was smashed. On the roof of a drab government building the cameraman picked up a machine-gun position. The lens zoomed in shakily. Three men manned it, and a fourth, wearing white gloves, had his pistol drawn. He was shouting, but the camera did not pick up any of his sound.
The roar of the protesters came through clearly, though. They were unarmed and included many women and children, most waving banners and carrying pictures of Togden and the Dalai Lama. As they reached an open area outside the compound, an armoured personnel carrier drove out of a nearby gate towards them. The crowd held its ground, mothers bringing their children closer to them. On the roof of the building, the soldier with the pistol was on the radio, gesticulating and pointing. The three men were ordered away from the machine gun. Those among the demonstrators who saw it cheered and held their banners higher, but at that moment the commander of the armoured personnel carrier opened fire straight into the crowd. Amazingly, the Tibetans did not disperse. They stayed where they were, collapsing on top of each other, until the firing stopped.
The screen went to black and returned with the Reuters’ satellite feed logo. In the studio Max Harding remained silent for a number of seconds before speaking. ‘Foreign Minister Song,’ he began, ‘perhaps you could tell us what exactly was going on there.’
The director switched the camera to the feed from Hong Kong, but Jamie Song’s position was empty. The tiny black microphone which had been clipped to his tie dangled on the arm of the chair and then the link was cut.
Oval Office, White House, Washington, DC
Local time: 0800 Friday 4 May 2007
GMT: 1300 Friday 4 May 2007
‘I know it runs against every grain of your new foreign policy, Mr President, but if you do not react to this massacre, we should hand back the campaign money for the next election and retire.’ Ennio Barber, aged thirty-five, was one of John Hastings’s closest personal advisers.
What Tom Bloodworth gave him in diplomatic and military pragmatism, Barber gave him in domestic and electoral advice.
Within hours of the Tibetan massacre being shown worldwide, political opponents had already been on television calling for sanctions against China. Each had a different comparison, yet each amounted to the same.
It was compared to the Tiananmen Square killings on 4 June 1989, to the slaughter on 20 March 1959 outside the Chinese Transport Centre in Lhasa, and to the 1956 tragedy in Magyarovar, Hungary when eighty-four unarmed demonstrators were shot down by Communist machine guns. There was an emphasis on the word Communist, to show that while the United States had defeated the Soviet Union in the Cold War, it had yet to contend with China.
‘The relationship with China will sort itself out, Mr President,’ said Ennio Barber. ‘The question facing us now is what message should you, the President, send to the American people about the atrocities in Tibet.’
With John Hastings and Barber were the National Security Advisor, Tom Bloodworth, and the Secretary of State, Joan Holden.
‘I think we have to be careful not to get ourselves into a media-driven policy,’ said Hastings. ‘I don’t care if we keep our mouths shut for another twenty-four or forty-eight hours on this. Tom, could you give us a run-down of what we know happened and what is happening now.’
‘The demonstrators were on the corners of Lingyu Shar and Chingdrol Shar Lam,’ said Bloodworth. ‘It’s an area in the south-east corner of Lhasa. Most of them had walked about three hundred yards from Jokhang where more disturbances were taking place. They were unarmed and, it appears, none of the Tibetan Special Frontier Force, which has so effectively infiltrated Lhasa, was with them.’
Bloodworth turned on a television set, ran the video disc for a few seconds and paused on the picture of the machine-gun post on the roof. ‘This is a PLA post, put up after the Drapchi raid, to protect the government offices.’ He paused on the armoured car coming out of the compound to the north. ‘This is the headquarters of the Public Security Bureau, who are a permanent street security presence in Tibet. In other words the PSB regard the streets of Lhasa as their patch, while the more disciplined PLA are under stricter orders of engagement. The massacre, Mr President, was carried out by the PSB, against the specific instructions of the PLA.’
‘Which has overall command?’
‘In a situation where the PLA is deployed, it should technically be the army,’ said Bloodworth.
‘So the Chinese might admit to a renegade unit being responsible and we would all be off the hook.’
‘I doubt it,’ said Joan Holden. ‘The Chinese security chief, General Tang Siju, came from the Public Security Bureau. He is one of President Tao’s closest confidants and he is very unlikely to let his old friends be criticized for killing rebellious Tibetans. China will speak with one voice on this one.’
‘We have satellite surveillance to back up our HUMINT reports stumbling out of Lhasa,’ said Bloodworth. ‘Protests have been going on just about every day since the Drapchi break-out. Some only a few hundred. The biggest are between three and five thousand people. Many of them are spontaneous, usually sparked off by the police arresting someone. Although supported by normal Tibetans, most of the demonstrators are monks and nuns. Sera, Drepung, Ganden and Nechung monasteries have been closed. We have unconfirmed reports that twenty monks were gunned down in a courtyard at Sera while praying. The Shungseb nunnery has been shut down and the military presence in the Jokhang is so intense that it is as good as closed. We believe the protesters who were shot by the PSB had gone to the government offices after failing to get into the Jokhang.
‘The Chinese have put police or army units in all the major Tibetan parts of the city. The ones we know about are in the Barkor area just south of the Jokhang. There’s a 7.25mm sand-bagged machine-gun position on the side-street off the south-west corner of the Barkor Square. Two armoured personnel carriers are permanently parked outside the Snowlands Hotel just north-west of the Jokhang, to ensure that no tourists get out, or see out. The same is at the Holiday Inn, the best hotel in Lhasa, although that is not in such a sensitive area. All communications are down. There is no television and the Chinese are jamming the BBC and Voice of America as best they can.
‘There’s another machine-gun post along Beijing Lu. The restaurants and cafés along there like
Tahi One, the Kirey and Banak Shol hotels are crawling with police. Basically the whole Tibetan area which runs around the Lingkor circumambulatory path, around Chakpori Hill and the Potala, is affected by riots and repression.’
‘What about tourists?’ asked Hastings.
‘The Chinese were going to fly them out at night. But things never got quiet enough for them to do it, without them becoming witnesses to the crack-down. They’ve been confined to their hotels and the windows have been shuttered up.’
‘Are there American citizens?’ asked Barber
‘Almost certainly,’ said Bloodworth, glancing over to Holden. ‘Joan, do you want to take this?’
‘Jamie Song personally assured Reece Overhalt in Beijing that no American had been harmed. Song’s view was that it was far better to have a dozen Americans cooped up in a hotel room for a week than have one arrested on spying charges because he’s been caught with a video camera. As even the PLA found out, the PSB are a law unto themselves, so Overhalt gave Song the benefit of the doubt and recommended to us that we go along with it.’
‘OK, Tom, go on,’ said Hastings.
‘We estimate that more than ten thousand people have been arrested. Our satellites have picked up the sudden overcrowding of prisons. We’ve photographed Gutsa in the east of the city, which is a PSB detention centre; Sangyip in the north-east; Utritru – the Chinese call it Wuzhidui – which is usually for common criminals, but is used as an overspill in times of riots; Sitru, Sizhidui in Chinese, which is for prisoners considered to be a threat to state security; and there’s a new prison less than a mile south of Sitru. This is where the ringleaders would be taken and where the serious people would be executed and tortured. No one seems to have been taken to Drapchi, not surprisingly – yet this is where 45 per cent of political prisoners are usually kept.
‘The number of dead is more difficult to ascertain. But given the killing we know about on video, and given that there might have been others, such as the shooting at Sera Monastery, our analysts put the number of dead so far at around three thousand.’
‘Tell it like that,’ whispered Barber enthusiastically after a few seconds’ silence, and turning to Hastings. ‘Just stroll into the White House press room and blind them with detail. Not scheduled. Do it as a “drop-by”, when the question is asked.’
‘But we’re getting asked it all the time,’ said Holden.
‘Then I’ll do it as a drop-by at State,’ Hastings suggested. ‘Joan can walk in with me.’
‘But what’s the policy?’ pressed Barber. ‘We can’t tell them what’s happening, without telling them what we’re going to do about it.’
‘Why not?’ said Hastings. ‘There is no American national interest in Tibet. We have no factories there. We do not sell American products there. It does not border any area which is of vital strategic interest to us. If we don’t intervene in Africa any more, why should we in Tibet?’
‘Because Tibet’s special,’ insisted Barber. ‘Tibet and the Dalai Lama have a special place in the hearts of the American people. If we abandon Tibet after scenes like this, America will abandon us.’
The red bulb on top of a direct-line telephone on the President’s desk flashed, indicating that a call was coming in to his private office from the National Security Agency. Hastings took it, but within seconds put the call on hold. ‘Pakistan has launched a major attack on Indian Kashmir,’ he said.
Kargil, Ladakh, India
Local time: 2130 Friday 4 May 2007
GMT: 1600 Friday 4 May 2007
Kargil had a symbolic place in the hearts of many Indians as the military sector which repulsed the Pakistani attack in 1999. There was actually very little fighting around the town of Kargil, where the population was ethnically Kashmiri and mostly Muslim. It was the second biggest town in Ladakh, built next to the turbulent Suru River, but had little more than one long main road with smaller lanes running off it. In the past few years, residents had access to all-day electricity after a huge hydro-electric power station was opened nearby. In the spring and summer, the hotels were bustling with tourists. Kargil had two attractions: the awesome mountains and the Indian army which gave visitors a taste of being in a war zone. Hamid Khan chose it as the first community in Kashmir to be liberated from Indian rule.
The roar of shelling began at 2130, battery upon battery of the thirty-year-old American-made M198 155mm howitzers. The guns had a range of twenty kilometres with normal shells and thirty-two with rocket-assisted ammunition. General Hamid Khan did not want to carry out a symbolic shelling. India had rejected the offer of a referendum. In response, he was going to take Kargil and raise the Pakistani flag.
The first rounds fell on the bus station, exploding fuel tanks and sending flames leaping into the cold night air. One of the main bridges was hit, withstanding only minutes of sustained bombardment before it broke, collapsing into the river and cutting off Kargil’s main route to the northeast. The telephone exchange just south of the Baki Bazaar road functioned for ten minutes, then went down with a direct hit through the roof. The post office, between the bus stand and the Main Bazaar Road, was pulverized by three hits, together with the State Bank of India next door.
The bombardment lasted through the night, after which Kargil was a scene of burning debris, with barely a building in the centre left unmarked. Just before dawn the shelling suddenly stopped. There was a lull of a few seconds, then the quiet was shattered by the roar of twenty French-built Mirage ground-attack aircraft crossing the LoC. They flew dangerously low, only a few hundred feet above the mountain peaks. Using cannon and laser-guided missiles, two aircraft continued the attack on Kargil, ensuring this time that all roads in and out of the town were impassable. Other aircraft headed along the LoC from the Indian side, hitting anti-aircraft positions and Indian bunkers. West of Kargil, they attacked Dras, the key town west of Kargil on the Srinagar to Leh road, the key Indian resupply and artillery positions at Baltal, Matayan, the strategic command and control post on Tiger Hill and the Toleling feature north of the Mushkoh River. More aircraft concentrated on areas just east of Kargil, where India deployed the bigger artillery units of 105mm guns, the massive 155mm Bofors FH-77B howitzers with a range of more than twenty kilometres and the even longer-range 212mm Pinaka multi-rocket launchers. (These had proved disastrously unreliable in 1999, but were back in action again after being withdrawn and remodelled.) The Pakistani aircraft laid down a lethal line of fire with a cocktail of weapons around Goma, Batalik, Lamayuru and Chorbatla, then climbed and turned back to home territory.
No sooner had they finished than heavier, more cumbersome and ageing American-built F-16 multi-role combat aircraft came overhead. They were equipped with conventional single-warhead bombs with radar airburst fuses to increase the damage on structures and buildings. Cluster bombs sowed a lethal path of destruction, their tiny bom-blets throwing out delayed action mines and fragmentation devices to kill people and slice through light structures such as aircraft and vehicles.
The first Indian aircraft were scrambled out of Ambala, Srinagar, Awantipur and Leh as soon as Indian radar picked up the air attack, but they were too late to engage the Pakistanis in dogfights, and the pilots did not have permission to cross onto the Pakistani side of the LoC. That had to come from the Prime Minister and he had only just been woken up.
Hamid Khan’s final assault was the riskiest of the operation and began at the height of the bombing raids. A fleet of thirty helicopters, mainly the SA 330 Puma and the Mi-8 HIP C, some with twenty men, others with just four, swept into Indian-controlled Kashmir, meeting little resistance from ground fire. They were protected by a squadron of the Pakistan and Chinese built Super 7 aircraft as they flew low for the sixteen kilometres from the frontier to Kargil. Each helicopter pilot had a designated landing area, depending on the debris caused by the shelling and air attacks. Each unit had area to secure. The pilots dropped the men, from a hover, not letting the skids touch the ground, and headed straig
ht back to the LoC.
It was in that narrow window of opportunity that the Indian fighter pilots found and attacked in a withering onslaught, while coming under fire themselves from the Pakistani Super 7s. Of the thirty helicopters which crossed into Indian territory, only twelve made it back. Three Indian aircraft were lost.
The men on the ground were not mujahedin fighters, but Pakistani soldiers, most of whom expected to be dead within the next few hours. Hand-to-hand fighting with Indian troops began as soon as they landed. But they secured enough of an area just north of the junction of Hospital Road and the Main Bazaar Road to raise the green flag of Pakistan with its white crescent and single star above the town’s mosque.
Prime Minister’s Office, South Block, Delhi
Local time: 0100 Saturday 5 May 2007
GMT: 1930 Friday 4 May 2007
‘I offer my resignation, Prime Minister,’ said Mani Naidu, the head of the Intelligence Bureau.
‘Refused,’ replied Hari Dixit as he took his chair at the head of the table and opened a book in front of him.
‘I would like you to accept my resignation as well,’ said Chandra Reddy, of RAW, who should have known in advance of Pakistan’s attack on Kargil.
‘Refused,’ said Dixit, running his finger down a page in the book. He looked up at Naidu. ‘If we had a Home Minister, he could go, but we don’t because he has been murdered. The situation is so grave and the actions of Hamid Khan so unpredictable that to reshuffle my intelligence agencies at this time would be immature to say the least. Within the past thirty minutes, the whole of the Dras-Kargil sector has fallen, and we need to look ahead. Foreign Minister, before we begin on the details could you sum up where we stand diplomatically with China, Pakistan and the United States?’
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