Although there’s little detail about these battles, one thing is quite clear: by the end of it all, Amenemhat I sat on the throne. His dynasty ruled Egypt for the rest of the Middle Kingdom, overseeing a period of high prosperity, when Egypt’s interactions with the wider world expanded and the presentation of kingship itself changed. Inheriting elements of the First Intermediate Period nomarch approach to rule, it was no longer enough for a king to be a distant god, his personality hidden from view; now, the king had to present himself as caring for his people, and in turn – because of his hard work –
the people were meant to show him their loyalty. It was also in the Middle Kingdom that court scribes composed various classics of Egyptian literature. From wisdom texts and loyalist instructions, to fictional tales, such as the ‘Tale of the Shipwrecked Sailor’ and the ‘Tale of Sinuhe (Sanehat)’ – the court did not lack entertainment.
The kings also wanted to connect themselves with Egypt’s already great
past, and so started building pyramids again. Unlike their Old Kingdom
predecessors, these pyramids had complex interior arrangements designed to confuse thieves, an indication that the pyramids of the Old Kingdom had been robbed, probably during the First Intermediate Period. More nefari-ously, the state began to impose on society as a whole, creating state settlements with rigid grid layouts and inflicting brutal punishments on anyone who avoided, or fled, state labour.
Trading with the East
While the Egyptians were becoming accustomed to getting along with each other again, their neighbours to the east were experiencing their own time of recovery. Following a period of rapid climatic change across the Near East, which had caused mass movement and the destruction of cities, by around 2050 BCE, life was returning to normal. People across the region were once again free to go about their daily lives without fear of violence (although they did live within fortified cities, suggesting the presence of at least some danger). At the same time, the Minoans on the island of Crete also entered a period of growth and prosperity. Things were looking up.
After the establishment of the 12th Dynasty, the Egyptians began to take a renewed interest in their neighbours. As in the Old Kingdom, they made no attempt to occupy the Levant, rather it was seen as a source of luxury War and Trade with the Pharaohs.indd 42
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goods – a place to be exploited as much as possible. When Egypt’s ships left the Delta, they stopped at various locations along the Levantine coast as they travelled north, leaving traces of their presence at places such as Ashkelon and, further north, Dor. Their crews traded with local people, so that items of Egyptian origin passed from person to person until they ended up spread across the Levant and beyond – from scarabs and pottery at Megiddo, for example, to Egyptian statuettes at Qatna, in modern Syria; and a djed-pillar – an Egyptian symbol of stability – as far from Egypt as Alaca Höyük in Anatolia.
Some light is cast on the extent of Egypt’s trading ventures thanks to the
‘Annals of King Amenemhat II,’ a detailed breakdown of the most important events from this king’s reign, inscribed on a stone block, reused as a pedestal under King Ramesses II of the 19th Dynasty. Among its various entries,
the inscription records a visit by tribute-bearing Nubian and Syrian dignitaries to the royal court; an Egyptian expedition to the ‘turquoise terraces’
– probably the Sinai mines; and the arrival of the Tempau-people (perhaps Bedouin), who came with ‘bowed heads’ carrying 238 ingots of lead. It also says that two boats were sent to Khenty-she (Lebanon), and returned to
Egypt with 1,675.5 deben of silver, 4,882 deben of bronze and 15,961 deben of copper (one deben of weight being equal to 27 g in the Middle Kingdom).
Also among the cargo was gold, lead, marble, daggers (some made from
bronze, gold, and silver, others of bronze and ivory), plants and fruits, oils, resins, and cedar trees. People were aboard too: sixty-five male and female Asiatics. According to another section of the Annals, the princes of Asia sent 1,002 Asiatics to the Egyptian court, along with items of silver and lead, and domestic animals.
The extent of foreign trade under King Amenemhat II appears to have
been unusual, for before his reign contact was more sporadic. It’s perhaps not coincidental then that under Amenemhat II, the ‘Tod Treasure’ was
assembled: four copper chests, discovered at Tod (just south of Thebes), containing precious items from across Egypt’s known world, including
rings, bracelets, a mirror, copper, pendants, carnelian beads, fragments of quartz, amethyst, and obsidian, as well as over 150 bowls. In total, this amounted to about 7 kg of gold and more than 9 kg of silver. Based on
style, and from scientific analysis, the silver items came from the Aegean and Anatolia; the cylinder and stamp seals from Iran, Mesopotamia, and
Syria; and the lapis lazuli from Afghanistan. And this is not the only example of items from across the world finding their way to Egypt: a single carnelian bead, made by the Indus culture, but unearthed at Abydos, is the War and Trade with the Pharaohs.indd 43
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oldest Indian object discovered in Ancient Egypt. It was probably traded in around 2000 BCE.
Not only did Egyptian traders enter the Levant during the Middle
Kingdom, but Asiatic traders came to Egypt too. In the sixth year of the reign of King Senwosret II, an Asiatic caravan arrived in Egypt to trade in galena eye-paint, an event depicted in the tomb of Khnumhotep II at Beni Hassan.
The caravan, led by a man named Abisharie, consisted of eight men, four women, three children, and two donkeys. Each person wore a multicoloured robe, and some of the men were armed with weapons, including a composite bow – not used by the Egyptians until the New Kingdom – spears, and throw-sticks. Another man carried a stringed instrument, perhaps played to entertain his companions during their long journey. In Egypt, the caravan was met by the Royal Document Scribe Neferhotep, who is shown in the
scene holding a piece of papyrus; the tiny text on this papyrus says that there were thirty-seven Asiatics in total (despite the number of people painted), and these had been invited from a place called Shu by the local mayor’s son. (Given its content, this document can perhaps be viewed as a form of ancient ‘entry visa,’ enabling the Asiatics to pass into Egyptian territory.) Behind Neferhotep in the caravan scene stands the Overseer of Hunters
Khety, who probably monitored and patrolled the desert routes, acting as border security. Such methods of controlling the movement of people were not unusual in the Middle Kingdom. The Egyptians had always monitored the
‘Ways of Horus’ – the coastal road connecting Egypt and the Levant – and in the Middle Kingdom constructed a series of fortresses there, called the ‘Walls of the Ruler.’ Although not known archaeologically, these are mentioned in literary tales: ‘The Prophecy of Neferti’, set during the 4th Dynasty, predicts the rise of King Amenemhat I, who would build the ‘Walls of the Ruler’
to protect Egypt from Asiatics; and ‘The Tale of Sinuhe’ has its eponymous hero hide in a bush to avoid a sentry at the ‘Walls of the Ruler’ while attempting to flee into the Levant. Later, when crossing back into Egypt, Sinuhe speaks with the head of a patrol. He then continues his journey, but his Asiatic companions return home, perhaps because they weren’t allowed into Egypt.
The Tale of Sinuhe (Sanehat): An Adventure in the Levant
Sinuhe (more correctly Sanehat), an official of the royal harem, had accompanied Prince Senwosret, the future King Senwosret I, and his army on
campaign in Libya. The mission was a success, but during their return to Egypt – prisoners and cattle dragged along with them – tragic news reached War and Trade with the Pharaohs.indd 44
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the prince: his f
ather, King Amenemhat I was dead and there was trouble at the royal residence. As a harem official, Sinuhe overheard this message while it was being delivered to the royal children, and in a state of panic, fled (he was a harem official after all, and harems have a nasty habit of being involved in royal assassinations in Ancient Egypt, just ask King Ramesses III of the 20th Dynasty).
Sinuhe crossed Egypt and reached the fortresses known as the ‘Walls of
the Ruler,’ where he hid in a bush until nightfall to avoid the guards. Later, enshrouded in darkness, he entered the Levant, but soon after, at a place called The Great Black Water, dehydration overwhelmed him. In this shattered state, expecting death, he suddenly heard the sound of lowing cattle and saw Asiatics approaching. Their chief recognized him as an Egyptian and offered him water and boiled milk. Sinuhe, now saved and recovered, joined the chief ’s tribe, and travelled with them to Byblos and Qedem.
A year and a half later, Amunenshi, the ruler of this Syrian territory, sent for Sinuhe – other Egyptians, already serving the ruler, had vouched for their fellow countryman’s useful skills. In audience, Amunenshi asked Sinuhe how he ended up in Syria: had something happened at the Egyptian residence? Sinuhe told him about the king’s death, and the mysterious circumstances surrounding it. Although he himself had not been mentioned
or implicated, Sinuhe added, he fled, but didn’t know why. Treating the Egyptian like one of his own children, Amunenshi then appointed Sinuhe
as the ruler of a clan, and married him to his eldest daughter. He also gave Sinuhe control of a place called Iaa – a land with figs and grapes, abundant in wine, plentiful in honey, barely, wheat, and cattle. Many years passed, and Sinuhe’s children became adults, each now with his own clan. Egyptian envoys, passing through Iaa, stopped to meet Sinuhe during their travels, enabling him to keep up-to-date with events back home.
Sinuhe also became commander of his ruler’s army, attacking and killing many enemies. His fame as a warrior must have spread, for at one time, a hero of Syria arrived at Sinuhe’s tent to challenge him. Sinuhe was forced to accept, and prepared his weapons for battle. The next morning, the local people gathered to watch the fight, wondering if anyone was capable of
defeating the hero of Syria. The battle began, and the hero launched himself at the Egyptian. But Sinuhe dodged and loosed an arrow straight into the hero’s neck. His enemy now weakened, Sinuhe took the hero’s own dagger
from the ground and made the final, deadly blow.
Upon entering old age, Sinuhe began to long for home: the Egyptian
royal residence. King Senwosret I heard of his wish, and sent a message, War and Trade with the Pharaohs.indd 45
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inviting him to return to Egypt. Sinuhe agreed, but before starting his journey home, gave his property to his children and appointed his eldest son as leader of the clan. The Syrians escorted Sinuhe to the Egyptian border, located along the ‘Ways of Horus,’ where they parted. From there, he travelled to the royal city of Itj-Tawy, founded under Amenemhat I, which probably stood somewhere in the vicinity of Lisht. The next morning, Sinuhe met the king during a royal audience, and was given accommodation. Because
he was unshaven and dressed as a Syrian, the Egyptians cut Sinuhe’s hair, gave him the fine linen of an Egyptian to wear, and anointed him with high quality oil. The king also gave him a tomb, so that he could be laid to rest in suitably Egyptian surroundings now that his foreign adventures were over.
War in the East
Of course, Egypt’s relations with the Levant weren’t always peaceful: raids
– following the Old Kingdom tradition of using muscle to ensure the steady flow of goods and slaves – were probably reasonably frequent. Unfortunately, most of the preserved accounts of Middle Kingdom warfare are quite
brief. At the start of the 12th Dynasty, in the twenty-fourth year of King Amenemhat I’s reign, a general named Nesumontu demolished fortresses in the Levant, and, in his account of these events, says how he prowled like a jackal on the desert’s edge, walking up and down the Asiatics’ streets. King Senwosret I describes himself as severing the necks of Asiatics, and his vizier, Montuhotep, says that he pacified the ‘sand-dwellers.’ Senwosret I’s pyramid complex at Lisht included a battle scene, showing Asiatics fighting.
Egyptian soldiers, armed with bows and arrows, and spears, can be seen
besieging an Asiatic fortress in the tomb of the Nomarch Amenemhat, buried at Beni Hassan under Senwosret I.
In addition to recording the trading ventures mentioned above, the
‘Annals of Amenemhat II’ include more violent interactions too. One entry says that the Egyptian army travelled to Setjet (Asia) to destroy a place called Iaw, while on another occasion, they returned home after attacking the fortifications of Iawi. These were probably the same location, and can perhaps be equated with Ura, a port city in southern Anatolia, mentioned in later Babylonian sources and the Ugarit archives. The army also attacked the fortifications of Iasy, perhaps a city in Cyprus. From the mission to Iawi and Iasy, the Egyptians brought back 1,554 Asiatic captives (perhaps the total from both cities), copper, bronze weapons, silver, jewellery, amethyst, malachite, ivory furniture pieces, household goods, lead, and combs. For their War and Trade with the Pharaohs.indd 46
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service, they were rewarded with slaves, fields, gold of honour, clothing, and generally ‘beautiful things.’ They also got to eat the Asiatics’ food supplies.
One of the more detailed accounts of warfare in the Levant during the
Middle Kingdom is found on a statue of the Soldier Sobek-Khu, who
served in the army of King Senwosret III. The troops were travelling home from a campaign when they were attacked by Asiatics at Sekmem (probably Shechem). Sobek-Khu, serving at the back of the army, says that he fought an Asiatic and took his weapons. For his bravery, he was rewarded with a throw-stick of electrum, a dagger of electrum, and a sheath.
Asiatics in Southern Sinai
Egypt’s mining activities in southern Sinai resumed during the Middle
Kingdom, with expeditions sent to exploit the mines at Serabit el-Khadim and Wadi Maghara under various rulers. During these expeditions, the
Egyptians worked alongside people of Asiatic origin. Their presence is
reflected in numerous inscriptions and drawings, many within the Temple of Hathor at Serabit el-Khadim. Various stelae mention a brother of the prince of Retenu (roughly Syria-Palestine) called Khebded as present, and he is depicted riding a donkey. Another scene on a stele, from the reign of King Amenemhat III, also shows an Asiatic riding a donkey, accompanied
by two further Asiatics: Shekam and Apim. Archaeologists have found stone foot bellows at the site identical to examples found in the Levant, suggesting that these Asiatics worked as metalworkers and in other craft-related roles.
Others may have travelled from the Levant to bring the Egyptians char-
coal or wood as fuel. Interpreters, travelling as members of the expeditions, helped the Egyptians to communicate with their Levantine neighbours.
During the Second Intermediate Period – the phase after the Middle
Kingdom – Asiatics left Proto-Sinaitic inscriptions in the mines at Serabit el-Khadim; around half of the symbols in this alphabetic system were
inspired by Egyptian hieroglyphs, showing a merging of cultural ideas.
Asiatics, probably serving as mercenaries, also left Proto-Sinaitic inscriptions at Wadi el-Hol, north of Thebes, in the early Middle Kingdom.
War and Peace at Byblos
For the first half of the Middle Kingdom, Egypt did not enjoy friendly relations with Byblos – the country’s most important trading partner in earlier times. This is made clear in the tomb autobiography of Khnumhotep III
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at Dahshur, in which he describes his adventures during a trading voyage in the Levant. Khnumhotep III was the son of Khnumhotep II, the man
famous for his tomb’s depiction of the Asiatic caravan entering Egypt, mentioned above. Like his father, Khnumhotep III played an important role in Egypt’s foreign relations, being referred to as a ‘doorway of foreign lands’
and as ‘one who brought what is useful for its owner (the king).’1
According to Khnumhotep III, Egypt’s main Levantine trading partner
during his voyage was the city of Ullaza, about 50 km north of Byblos. It had probably been this way for much of the early Middle Kingdom. The
inscription is not entirely clear, due to frequent breaks, but it appears that Khnumhotep had hoped to trade for cedar in Ullaza, and somehow ended
up in Byblos. There, the king of Byblos, hostile to Egyptians, questioned Khnumhotep on his unexpected appearance. At the time, relations were
tense between Byblos and Ullaza: war had erupted between the two cities, and the king of Byblos had already sent his son at the head of an army into his enemy’s territory. He had also written to the Egyptian king to ask him to show restraint, perhaps in an effort to stop the Egyptians from intervening. This was disregarded, for in the sections that follow, the Egyptians are described as arriving on Asiatic soil and a battlefield is mentioned. The Egyptians appear to have mobilized in order to protect Ullaza – their trading partner – from Byblos, ensuring their own interests in the region.
The text breaks off here, but later in the 12th Dynasty, Egyptianized governors rule Byblos. It is probable that the events described in Khnumhotep III’s autobiography were a key turning point in Egypt’s relations with their former trading partner, when the Egyptians overthrew Byblos’ unruly king and established in his place a line of rulers more favourable to Egypt’s influence. So dramatic was this shift that Byblos now resumed its position as Egypt’s main trading partner in the region, and the city’s rulers became known as haty-a, the Egyptian word for ‘mayor.’ They even began to write in hieroglyphs, and developed their own short-lived ‘pseudo-hieroglyphic script,’ inspired by the Egyptian writing system. Byblos’ Temple of the Obelisks, full of standing stones with pyramidal peaks, was also influenced by Egyptian architecture. There, copper or bronze figurines once stood, gilded, and wearing conical hats, seemingly inspired by statues of the Egyptian king wearing the White Crown of Upper Egypt.
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