Many of these Libyan prisoners were dealt with harshly; as the Medinet
Habu inscriptions relate, leaders among the Libyans were burned to death and others had their hearts removed. I think it’s safe to say that both forms of execution are particularly unpleasant, but from the Egyptian perspective, the sentence continued beyond the painful, physical act of death. According to Ancient Egyptian belief, a preserved body (or statue) was required for the soul to continue to exist in the afterlife, and without a heart, a person couldn’t be judged by Osiris, for it was needed during the weighing of the heart ceremony in the god’s judgement hall. No heart meant no chance of joining the blessed dead. To the Egyptians, they weren’t simply wiping these Libyans from existence in this life, but from the next one too. In addition to the cruel punishments meted out to the captured Libyans, the Medinet Habu inscriptions also contain another unexpected detail: they provide the names of specific Libyan enemies, including a whole succession of Libu
rulers, comprising Didi, Mishken, Mariyu, Wermer, and Tjetmer. Perhaps
Ramesses wanted to emphasize that he’d defeated the family line that
included Mariyu, the chief that had fled following Merenptah’s campaign –
a family line that would now cease with Tjetmer.
‘The Sea Peoples’ and the End of the Late Bronze Age
‘The foreign countries made a conspiracy in their islands. All at once the lands were removed and scattered in the fray. No land could stand before their arms, from Hatti, Kode, Carchemish, Arzawa, and Alashiya (Cyprus) on, being cut off at [one time]. A camp [was set up] in one place in Amor (Amurru). They desolated its people, and its land was like that which has never come into being.’1
This is how the Sea Peoples are introduced in the Medinet Habu inscrip-
tions. The ancient author paints a picture of scattered groups, originally islanders, pushing across the world, devastating every city in their path until they reach Egypt and face Ramesses III. At Medinet Habu, various groups War and Trade with the Pharaohs.indd 130
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are identified among them, including the Peleset, Tjekeru, Shekelesh,
Danuna, and Washash. Despite these specific references, the question of the Sea Peoples’ origins remains difficult to answer: all that scholars can suggest at present is that they were most probably displaced and disparate groups from the Aegean and southern Turkey, whose movements were motivated by
famine and drought. As they progressed over a fifty year period, large parts of the eastern Mediterranean world, from Anatolia to Cyprus, and south
through the Levant, were attacked and burned. This is the traditional picture, but it would be wrong to place the blame for this destruction solely on the Sea Peoples; take, for example, the fate of the Hittites.
During the period of the Sea Peoples’ migration, the Hittite Empire, now under Suppiluliuma II, collapsed. Though this is sometimes said to be the fault of the Sea Peoples, some scholars now argue that the final death blow to the empire was a popular uprising. An archaeological analysis of the final destruction of Hattusa – the Hittite capital – shows that the attackers only targeted the city’s royal and government buildings – effectively anything associated with the elite. In this reconstruction, these were specific attacks by people who knew the city, not the acts of rampaging, looting hordes, running amok in the streets. Another interpretation is that the buildings were emptied and abandoned before their destruction. The Hittite elite, led by their king, simply left the city, disappearing from history’s spotlight.
Hattusa, abandoned, was later burnt down.
In either scenario, what the Hittites experienced was not simply a sudden wave of unstoppable migrating enemies, but the effects of what is referred to as a ‘systems collapse,’ spreading across the eastern Mediterranean world.
This was the end result of years of developing international problems: famine and drought had long afflicted the Hittites and other peoples of the eastern Mediterranean (remember that Merenptah had sent the Hittites grain
supplies during his reign), increasing tensions between the ruling elite and the common people. And the Hittites had been fighting constant rebellions on the edges of their territory. With the ensuing instability, the flow of foreign luxury goods, so depended on by the elite to reflect their status and lifestyles, slowed. To be rich and powerful, you have to be seen to be rich and powerful – it’s all about display. A member of the elite, lacking any acknowledged symbols of prestige, is just the same as anybody else. In the end, the Hittites were unable to adapt to these changing circumstances and disruptions. Drought, famine, disease, a series of massive earthquakes (an
‘earthquake storm’), social tensions, rebellions, large scale migrations, and an inflexible political system, all came together to contribute to the State’s War and Trade with the Pharaohs.indd 131
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collapse. For centuries, the Hittite elite had one way of viewing the world.
Unfortunately for them, the world around them no longer shared it. This, of course, then affected every civilization connected with the Hittites, civilizations that were already experiencing their own similar problems. The
‘systems collapse’ continued to claim its victims.
The Sea Peoples were just part of this wider problem, but one that
everyone could easily point the finger at and blame. Whatever the Egyptian scribes would later write about them, these displaced groups were a symp-tom of the eastern Mediterranean world’s growing environmental, social, and political problems, not the cause. With instability in the air, major centres in Greece had already fortified their settlements well in advance of the destruction of Mycenae. They clearly saw it coming. Others no doubt did too. Famine had been afflicting the eastern Mediterranean for years, and desperate people were already searching for new fertile lands to settle in or risk starvation. Burning down symbols of the elite – palaces and government buildings – was just the latest emanation of the people’s growing lack of faith and distrust of those in power. Living in these dire environmental times, populations within towns and cities, long exploited by the elite and now receiving little from them in return, were probably already rebelling of their own accord, without ever having met or heard of a ‘sea person.’
When enough people are driven by desperation, not even the greatest
state can stop them; symbols of wealth and prestige mean nothing if enough people reject their meaning. In such times, some will rise up, burn, and rebuild on the ashes. Others will leave. And so, in this time of instability, disease, violence, famine, and drought, the assorted ‘Sea Peoples’ took the second option: they travelled eastwards, bringing their families and possessions along with them, leaving their homelands behind. To support themselves
or when attempting to settle, sometimes they turned to violence, probably supported by mercenaries, creating their legend.
During these uncertain times, a number of settlements across the eastern Mediterranean were destroyed, but it’s often left unmentioned how many
remained untouched and continued to develop. Despite what the Egyptians and subsequent writers say, not everything was burned to the ground
(Cyprus even continued to prosper), and in some cases, even cities that had been destroyed were rebuilt, such as Megiddo. Ugarit, however, was one of the unlucky ones. In a letter found at the city, probably sent from the Hittite viceroy of Carchemish to the king of Ugarit, it says, ‘Concerning that which you wrote (me): “enemy ships have been sighted at sea” – if it is true that ships have been sighted, then make yourself very strong … Surround your War and Trade with the Pharaohs.indd 132
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cities with walls. Bring (your) infantry and chariotry into (them). B
e on the lookout for the enemy and make yourself very strong.’2 The king of Ugarit then wrote to the king of Cyprus, saying, ‘My father, now the ships of the enemy have been coming. They have been setting fire to my cities and have done harm to the land … Now if other ships of the enemy turn up, send me a report somehow(?) so that I will know.’3 Although this all sounds rather
‘Sea Peoplesy,’ another letter, sent from Eshuwar, Cyprus’ chief administrator, adds useful information: the enemy ships were in fact from Ugarit itself, suggesting that the culprits were pirates or angry traders – so perhaps another case of rioting locals – rather than the Sea Peoples. Recent archaeological investigations have also shown that these letters could have been written well before the city’s final days, maybe even years before its destruction. Whatever the case, and whoever was responsible, when Ugarit was finally destroyed, it was violent: the city was burned and arrowheads were found among the ruins. Emar, another Syrian city, east of Ugarit, was also destroyed, with tablets describing ‘hordes of enemies.’
The Cape Gelidonya Shipwreck
Like the Uluburun shipwreck during the Amarna Period, the Cape
Gelidonya wreck, which sank just off the coast of Anatolia during the reign of Ramesses III, provides a snapshot of international trade. This vessel, either of Cypriote or Syrian origin, was 9 m in length, and carried 1,000 kg of cargo – goods from across the known world. At port in Cyprus, its crew had loaded it with large storage vessels, stirrup jars, and forty copper ingots, varying from 16 kg to 27 kg in weight. They had carefully wrapped each
ingot in reed matting and stacked them in piles at the fore and aft to balance the ship. Twenty copper bun ingots, averaging almost 4 kg each, were nes-tled amongst them. Bronze tools, agricultural implements, weapons, and
household utensils – including a mirror and a kebab spit – were stored in wicker baskets, stacked on a layer of brushwood to protect the planks. Many of these items were broken – scrap that would be sold on for the value of their metal. The ship also held assorted Egyptian paraphernalia, including scarabs and cylinder seals, glass, and crystals.
The Year Eight Campaign of Ramesses III
Ramesses III’s inscriptions treat the arrival of the Sea Peoples as rather sudden, but with all the turmoil throughout his known world, you can’t
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imagine it was that unexpected. The battle occurred in Ramesses’ eighth year as king, and as with his earlier Libyan campaign, the events of the war are recounted and depicted on the walls of his mortuary temple at Medinet Habu. In preparation for battle, Ramesses armed his soldiers with various weapons, while scribes noted down each item handed out, including shields, helmets, spears, bows, and khepesh-swords. Though not depicted, the associated inscription makes clear that Nubians and Sherden warriors were among the troops. Afterwards, the king went to inspect his horses, before setting off for war, accompanied by his charioteers and infantry.
Ramesses fought his war against the Sea Peoples on two fronts: there
was a land battle in the Levant and a waterborne conflict at the Nile mouths along the Mediterranean coast. On the walls of Medinet Habu, the king
is depicted as present at both, which can either be taken as an ideological statement of royal power, or as showing that the battles weren’t simultaneous (or that he can move really fast). For the land portion, we’re told that those who arrived in Egypt were ‘overthrown’ and ‘slain.’ The accompanying scene depicts the king on a massive scale, riding upon his chariot, while all around, the tiny figures of Egyptians and Sea Peoples clash. The different Sea Peoples groups are carefully distinguished in the illustrations, each with particular identifying features: the Sherden with their round shields and horned bronze helmets, surmounted by a disc, and other groups, including the Peleset, wearing feathered headdresses. Meanwhile, carts dragged by oxen carry women and children – emphasizing that this wasn’t simply a military invasion, but the migration of whole families, searching for better lives.
For the sea battle, the Sea Peoples entered Egypt via the Nile mouths.
The depictions show a mass of boats, in which a mixture of Sea Peoples
and Egyptians fall about chaotically, one over the other and some out of their boats. Arrows protrude from the bodies of many of the Sea Peoples
– easily identifiable once again thanks to their differing headgear and weapons. Ramesses III is far from the action, standing upon a pile of dead enemies on the shore (giving him a little extra height). Despite his distance, he still shoots his arrows into the melee, killing his enemies. Ramesses’ chariot driver stands patiently behind with his fan-bearer, as if waiting for the king to finish his work for the day so they can go home. In the accompanying inscription, Ramesses says how he caused his ships – each filled with warriors – to seal the mouths of the Nile like a ‘strong wall.’ It was like a net, he goes on to say, and those caught inside were pinioned and butch-ered. Nonetheless, the Egyptians still took many prisoners, tying them in excruciating positions and marching them away (as usual). After the battle, War and Trade with the Pharaohs.indd 134
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they held a celebration; this took place at a fortress of Ramesses III, where scribes recorded the numbers of prisoners and hands severed. The king presented many of the captives to the god Amun, and perhaps executed some of them. According to Papyrus Harris I, others were settled in ‘strongholds’ of Ramesses III across Egyptian controlled territory.
The Second Libyan Campaign
Ramesses’ third and final campaign occurred in his eleventh year as king.
Seemingly inspired by talks with the Rebu-Libyans, a Meshwesh-Libyan
chief named Mesher, the son of Chief Kaper, led the Meshwesh eastwards
(perhaps aided by Tjemehu- and Soped-Libyans), attacking the Tjehenu-
Libyans along the way. They then entered Egyptian territory with the aim of settling there, perhaps in the region west of the Wadi Natrun. The war scenes at Medinet Habu again provide us with elaborate imagery of the king at war: Ramesses drags a Libyan chief by the head to his chariot, ties up others in excruciating positions, and tramples another beneath his chariot, all the while shooting arrows at his enemies. Archers line up, also ready to shoot their arrows at the Libyans. Some Egyptians carry spears, shields, and khepesh-swords. In the end, the Libyans fled the carnage, forcing the Egyptians to chase them between two fortresses. In the second of these
scenes, Mesher is identified upon a chariot, attempting to flee, and Sea Peoples groups, including the Sherden, fight alongside the Egyptians.
Despite trying to escape, Mesher was captured. His father, Kaper, came
to the Egyptians to beg for peace, laying down his weapons and crying to the sky whilst begging for his son. But this father’s heartfelt plea for his son’s safe return fell on Ramesses’ deaf ears. The Egyptians seized Kaper and slaughtered his army. Afterwards, Kaper too was executed. Both Mesher and Kaper can be seen on the walls of Medinet Habu, their hands bound, as they’re escorted into pharaoh’s presence during the royal review of the spoils of war.
Here, mounds of hands and phalli are once again piled up and counted by scribes. The Egyptians had killed over 2,000 Meshwesh, and seized their family members, along with their animals and belongings, including their swords and chariots. Certain prisoners were presented before the gods, but many were settled in ‘strongholds,’ where they were forced to learn Egyptian.
The Egyptians trained these Libyans to fight, and assigned them to army divisions according to their tribe of origin (e.g. Meshwesh, Libu, Tjemehu), each overseen by an Egyptian commander and a Libyan chief. They then
lived in settlements in Egypt, until summoned to fight for pharaoh.
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Following Ramesses’ two campaigns against them, the various Libyan
groups of the Western Desert changed their approach to infiltrating
Egyptian territory: the northern route, along which the previous battles had been fought, was abandoned. In response, the Egyptians fortified settlements at the entrance to the desert routes further south, such as at Asyut and Abydos. It didn’t work. In Ramesses’ year twenty-eight, enemies are described as arriving at western Thebes, a reference that almost certainly refers to a Libyan raid. It would be the first of many over the course of the 20th Dynasty.
From the Levant to Punt: Further Foreign Affairs under
Ramesses III
From depictions at Medinet Habu, Ramesses III also fought wars in the
Levant, notably against Ullaza, Tunip, and Amurru in the north. If actual events, it would seem that the king sent his troops into territory previously controlled by the (now collapsed) Hittite Empire. Not only was Amurru now up for grabs once again, but by taking Amurru, Ramesses III would have
shown himself to be the true successor to his idol, Ramesses II. Ullaza and Tunip, similarly under Hittite control until their collapse, would also be a nice extension to his territory.
Items bearing Ramesses III’s name are known from Byblos, Lachish,
and Jaffa, and Egyptian soldiers and administrators were present at
Megiddo, even though it wasn’t an Egyptian garrison town. At Beth Shean, an Egyptian administrative centre and garrison town, Ramesses commanded a temple be built and a statue be erected. In a house there lived Ramessesuserkhepesh, one of the few Egyptian military men based in the
Levant known from the reign of Ramesses III. Descended from a military
family, he was a host commander and chief steward, serving as the town’s chief administrator, overseeing the town and local security. Beth Shean primarily housed Egyptians, but there was also a small local population and perhaps a number of Cypriotes, acting as mercenaries. Egyptians and mercenaries alike were buried in clay anthropoid coffins in the local cemetery.
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