by Patrick Iber
31. Paz insisted that the experience of the concentration camps did not stain the reputation of socialism in general, just of the deformed version practiced in the USSR. John King, The Role of Mexico’s Plural in Latin American Literary and Political Culture: From Tlatelolco to the “Philanthropic Ogre” (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 22. On Ocampo and Sur, see John King, Sur: A Study of the Argentine Literary Journal and Its Role in the Development of a Culture, 1931–1970 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986); Doris Meyer and Victoria Ocampo, Victoria Ocampo: Against the Wind and the Tide (New York: G. Braziller, 1979); and Nora Pasternac, Sur: Una revista en la tormenta (Buenos Aires: Paradiso, 2002). On Sur in the broader context of Argentine liberalism, see Jorge Nállim, Transformations and Crisis of Liberalism in Argentina, 1930–1955 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2012), 68–73.
32. Hebe Clementi, María Rosa Oliver (Buenos Aires: Planeta, 1992), 168; Gabriela Mistral and Victoria Ocampo, This America of Ours: The Letters of Gabriela Mistral and Victoria Ocampo, ed. and trans. Elizabeth Horan and Doris Meyer (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2003), 202. Waldo Frank to Oliver, 3 August 1937, María Rosa Oliver (MRO) Papers, box 3, folder 50, Firestone Library, Princeton University, Princeton, New Jersey; María Rosa Oliver, Mi fe es el hombre (Buenos Aires: Ediciones C. Lohlé, 1981), 100. María Rosa Oliver to Nelson Rockefeller, 9 April 1952, MRO Papers, box 5, folder “Rockefeller, Nelson A.,” Princeton.
33. Quotations are, in sequence, Ocampo to Mistral, 18 September 1951; Ocampo to Mistral, 11 July 1954; and Ocampo to Mistral, 21 February 1954, in Mistral and Ocampo, This America of Ours, 167–171, 222–223, 235. “Premios Literarios Argentinos: El Premio Lenin,” Sur, no. 250 (January–February 1958): 103–104. The unsigned note about the Stalin Prize was written by Ocampo. Oliver to Ocampo, 15 February 1958; Ocampo to Oliver, 18 February 1958; and Oliver to Ocampo, 24 February 1958, MRO Papers, box 5, folder “Ocampo, Victoria,” Princeton.
34. María Rosa Oliver, “La Paz,” MRO Papers, box 1, folder 52, Princeton. Gabriela Mistral and Jaime Quezada, Escritos políticos, vol. 2 (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1995), 159–161. Mistral to Ocampo, April or May 1952?, in Mistral and Ocampo, This America of Ours, 187–189.
35. Oliver to Nelson Rockefeller, 9 April 1952, MRO Papers, box 5, folder “Rockefeller, Nelson A.,” Princeton.
36. Stanley E. Hilton, Brazil and the Soviet Challenge, 1917–1947 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1991); William Waack, Camaradas: Nos arquivos de Moscou, a história secreta da Revolução Brasileira de 1935 (São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1993); Leslie Bethell, “Brazil,” in Bethell and Roxborough, Latin America between the Second World War and the Cold War, 33–65.
37. Cecil M. P. Cross to Secretary of State, 25 March 1949, 800.00B/4–1849, NARA; “Seria proibido, no Rio, o Congresso Pró-Paz,” Folha da Noite, 7 April 1949; Johnson to Secretary of State, 24 January 1952, 700.01/1–2452; and “Statement by Brazilian Minister of Justice on Communist ‘Peace’ Campaigns,” 20 March 1952, 700.01/3–2052, NARA; “Inútilmente se trata de impedir la celebración de la Conferencia Continental por la Paz,” Paz 1, no. 12 (March 1952): 56; Marcelo Ridenti, Brasilidade revolucionária: Um século de cultura e política (São Paulo: Editora UNSEP, 2010), 59, 69.
38. Adriana Petra, “Cosmopolitismo y nación: Los intelectuales comunistas argentinos en tiempos de la Guerra Fría (1946–1956),” Contemporánea: Historia y problemas del siglo XX 1, no. 1 (2010): 51–73; Atahualpa Yupanqui, “El folklore y el pueblo,” Cuadernos de Cultura Democrática y Popular, no. 4 (December 1951): 101, 104; Fred Oelssner, “Acerca de nuestras tareas en la creación de un arte alemán progresista,” Cuadernos de Cultura Democrática y Popular, no. 5 (February 1952): 47. Yupanqui left the Communist Party in 1952.
39. Adriana Petra, “Cultura comunista y Guerra Fría: Los intelectuales y el Movimiento por la Paz en la Argentina,” Cuadernos de Historia, no. 38 (June 2013): 125–130; “Las calles de La Plata fueron sede del gran Congreso por la Paz,” Orientación, 24 August 1949, 1; “Asamblea del Consejo Argentino por la Paz,” 28 January 1951, box “Consejo Argentino por la Paz,” Centro de Documentación e Investigación de la Cultura de Izquierdas en Argentina, Buenos Aires, Argentina. Varela’s release in 1952 was the result of a short-lived rapprochement between Argentina’s Communist Party and the government of Juan Domingo Perón.
40. Wallace W. Stuart to Department of State, “Communist Sponsored Continental Peace Conference,” 27 March 1952, 700.01/3–2752, NARA; Frank J. Devine, “Meeting of Peace Conference Delegates at Agraciada and Colonia on March 15, 1952,” 27 March 1952, 700.01/3–2752, NARA; Oliver to Nelson Rockefeller, 9 April 1952, MRO Papers, box 5, folder “Rockefeller, Nelson A.,” Princeton. According to the Uruguayan Communist paper Justicia, Cuban and Mexican delegates were not granted travel documentation by their governments.
41. Elisa Servín, “Propaganda y guerra fría: La campaña anticomunista en la prensa mexicana del medio siglo,” Signos Históricos 11 (July 2004): 9–39; Sergio Aguayo, La charola: Una historia de los servicios de inteligencia en México (Mexico City: Grijalbo, 2001); Aaron W. Navarro, Political Intelligence and the Creation of Modern Mexico, 1938–1954 (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2010). The PRI provided a monthly subsidy for the newspaper that Lombardo Toledano controlled, El Popular (which was technically the paper of the CTM and a legacy of the time when Lombardo Toledano headed that union). Stephen R. Niblo, Mexico in the 1940s: Modernity, Politics, and Corruption (Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources, 1999), 279. In spite of its opportunistic reputation, in the 1960s the Partido Popular Socialista did produce antigovernment guerrilla fighters. Alexander Aviña, Specters of Revolution: Peasant Guerrillas in the Cold War Mexican Countryside (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014), 74.
42. “El Congreso ‘de la Paz’ sin la simpatía oficial,” El Universal, 16 May 1949; “Description of Arena Mexico Where ‘Peace’ Congress Is to Be Held,” 2 September 1949, 810.00B/9–249; Enclosure No. 1, Dispatch No. 1166, 23 September 1949, 810.00B/9–2349, NARA.
43. Memorandum, 27 July 1949, gallery 1, Dirección Federal de Seguridad (DFS), document 11–70–49, Diego Rivera Barrientos file—versión pública, AGN.
44. In fact, the Soviet Union had exploded a test nuclear bomb a few weeks earlier, but this was not yet public knowledge. At the time, the USSR lacked the capacity to deliver such a weapon to the United States. Niblo, Mexico in the 1940s, 201. “Informan sobre la primera sesión plenaria del Congreso Continental de la Paz,” 6 September 1949; and “Informan sobre el Acto de Clausura del Congreso Americano Continental de la Paz,” 12 September 1949, DGIPS, box 80, folder 1, AGN.
45. “Por Juan Marinello,” MAV Records, box 324, folder 433/503, AGN. Marinello traveled to Mexico in August and September 1948 to prepare for the congress. While he was in Mexico, he sought the support of Lázaro Cárdenas and Henry Wallace. Dispatch no. 1166, “The American Continental Congress for Peace,” 810.00B/9–2349, NARA. O. John Rogge, “The People Look for Peace,” September 1949, MAV Records, folder 443/503, AGN. “Neutral” Rogge soon became a critic of the peace movement. Phillip Deery, “ ‘A Divided Soul’? The Cold War Odyssey of O. John Rogge,” Cold War History 6, no. 2 (May 2006): 177–204.
46. Embassy dispatch no. 1170, “Discurso de Pablo Neruda,” 30 September 1949, 810.00B/9–3049, NARA. Amado, O mundo da paz, 126; David Schidlowsky, Las furias y las penas: Pablo Neruda y su tiempo (Berlin: Wissenschaftlicher Verlag, 1999), 696–699.
47. Jonathan Cohen, “Waldeen and the Americas: The Dance Has Many Faces,” in A Woman’s Gaze: Latin American Women Artists, ed. Marjorie Agosín (Fredonia, N.Y.: White Pine Press, 1998), 224–242; Pablo Neruda, Canto general, trans. Jack Schmitt (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 270.
48. Neruda, Canto general, 266.
49. For example, Walt Whitman, “Saludo al Mundo,” Paz, no. 4 (July 1951): 4–6; Ted Genoways, Walt Whitman and the Civil War: America’s Poet during the Lo
st Years of 1860–1862 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009).
50. Schidlowsky, Furias y las penas, 679–781, 1246–1252; Jaime Castillo Velasco, “El Congreso Continental de la Cultura de Santiago de Chile,” Cuadernos, no. 2 (August 1953): 85. “Prometheus Bound,” CIA-RDP78–02771R000500500004–5, CIA Records Search Tool (CREST), NARA.
51. “Fernando Santiván informa en el Congreso de la Cultura,” El Siglo, 28 April 1953, 1; Jorge Amado and Volodia Teitelboim, “Latin American Continental Cultural Congress,” For a Lasting Peace, for a People’s Democracy, no. 25 (19 June 1953): 4.
52. Amado, O mundo da paz, 155.
53. Os subterrâneos da liberdade was published in three volumes titled Os ásperos tempos, Agonia da noite, and A luz no túnel by Martins Press in São Paulo in 1954. Neil Larsen sees in this period of Amado’s writing the possibility of a Latin American literature that was neither stuck in naturalist realism nor modernist antirealism, but not even Amado saw it in those terms. Neil Larsen, Reading North by South: On Latin American Literature, Culture, and Politics (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995), 73–74; Amado, Navegação de cabotagem, 329.
54. On the general issue of WPC financing, see the articles by former participant Robert Prince, “The Ghost Ship of Lönnrotinkatu,” Peace Magazine 8, no. 3 (June 1992): 16–17, 29; and Robert Prince, “Following the Money Trail at the World Peace Council,” Peace Magazine 8, no. 6 (December 1992): 20–21, 23. The financial records that show some Mexican expenses covered by the WPC can be found in the papers of Heriberto Jara at the Archivo Histórico de la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, in box 36, folders 1430 through 1433. The records cover October 1949 to the end of 1951. “Informan sobre el Acto de Clausura del Congreso Americano Continental de la Paz,” 12 December 1949, DGIPS, box 80, folder 1, AGN. Rivera and Siqueiros each donated money, and Siqueiros implored those in attendance to give up luxuries to help pay for the event. Some money came in via “bonds” that were collected by delegates from across Latin America. See DFS Memos, 11–84–49 and 11–71–49 of 23 August 1949 and 12 September 1949, gallery 1, Vicente Lombardo Toledano—versión pública, AGN.
55. Juan Pablo Sáinz to Ramón Danzós Palomino, 22 November 1952, Partido Comunista de México (PCM) archive, folder 6, box 24, Centro de Estudios del Movimiento Obrero y Socialista (CEMOS), Mexico City; Neruda claimed to have raised 100,000 pesos, only 20 percent of the reported deficit. “Páginas interiores del Congreso de la Cultura,” Ercilla, no. 939 (28 April 1953): 17; “Overt Communist Activities: Continental Cultural Congress, Santiago, Chile,” 398.44-SA/5–1153, NARA. It is possible that the financial relationship evolved over time; Moscow did eventually provide regular support to various Communist parties in the region. Olga Uliánova and Eugenia Fediakova, “Algunos aspectos de la ayuda financiera del Partido Comunista de la URSS al comunismo chileno durante la guerra fría,” Estudios Públicos 72 (Spring 1998): 113–148. There were no doubt other, concealed contributions, some of which are described in Christopher M. Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin, The World Was Going Our Way: The KGB and the Battle for the Third World (New York: Basic Books, 2005). Still, the period of intense peace activities does not coincide with one of financial support of Latin American Communism from Moscow.
56. Jorge Amado and Alfred Mac Adam, “From ‘Sailing the Shore: Notes for Memoirs I’ll Never Write,’ ” Review: Latin American Literature and Arts, no. 47 (Fall 1993): 36.
57. Amado, O mundo da paz, 189–191; Amado, Navegação de cabotagem, 35, 120; Amado and Mac Adam, “From ‘Sailing the Shore: Notes for Memoirs I’ll Never Write,’ ” 37–38.
58. Bobby J. Chamberlain, Jorge Amado (Boston: Twayne, 1990), 4–10; Lottman, Left Bank, 61–63, 247.
59. Raquel Tibol, Diego Rivera, luces y sombras (Barcelona: Lumen, 2007), 291–300; Bertram David Wolfe, The Fabulous Life of Diego Rivera (New York: Stein & Day, 1963), 385–388; Salvador Novo, La vida en México en el periodo presidencial de Miguel Alemán (Mexico City: Empresas Editoriales, 1967), 766–767. The Mexican government’s decision not to display the mural came after pressure from the U.S. ambassador. Stephen R. Niblo, War, Diplomacy, and Development: The United States and Mexico, 1938–1954 (Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources, 1995), 286.
60. Pete Hamill, Diego Rivera (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1999), 192–202; Wolfe, Fabulous Life of Diego Rivera, 383–389.
3. The Congress for Cultural Freedom and the Imperialism of Liberty
1. Leandro A. Sánchez Salazar and Julián Gorkin, Ainsi fut assassiné Trotsky (Paris: Éditions Self, 1948); Julián Gorkin, Cómo asesinó Stalin a Trotsky (Buenos Aires: Plaza & Janés, 1961); David Wingeate Pike, In the Service of Stalin: The Spanish Communists in Exile, 1939–1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 304; Olga Glondys, La guerra fría cultural y el exilio republicano español: Cuadernos del Congreso por la Libertad de la Cultura (1953–1965) (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 2012), 33–34.
2. Gorkin to Joaquín Maurín, 14 May 1949, Joaquín Maurín Papers, box 6, folder “Gorkin,” Hoover Institution Archives (HIA), Stanford, Calif.: John V. Fleming, The Anti-Communist Manifestos: Four Books That Shaped the Cold War (New York: Norton, 2009), 260; Herbert R. Southworth, “ ‘The Grand Camouflage’: Julián Gorkin, Burnett Bolloten and the Spanish Civil War,” in The Republic Besieged: The Civil War in Spain, 1936–1939, ed. Paul Preston and Ann L. Mackenzie (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1996), 264; E. Howard Hunt and Greg Aunapu, American Spy: My Secret History in the CIA, Watergate, and Beyond (Hoboken, N.J.: John Wiley & Sons, 2007), 56; Valentín R. González and Julián Gorkin, El Campesino: Life and Death in Soviet Russia (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1952).
3. Gorkin to Serafino Romualdi, 12 September 1951, Jay Lovestone Papers, box 296, folder 2, HIA.
4. Pepe Gutiérrez-Álvarez, Retratos poumistas (Sevilla: Espuela de Plata, 2006), 195.
5. “Imperialismo de la libertad nació en Congreso de intelectuales: Seis países preparan en Santiago una réplica al Congreso del 53; El sabio Nicolai dividió al mundo en culturas,” Ercilla, no. 998 (15 June 1954), 13.
6. There were places in Europe, such as Spain, that used alliances with the United States to strengthen dictatorships during the 1950s. And there was one place in Latin America, Bolivia, where a nationalist revolutionary government forged good relations with the United States and used them to protect nationalizations of U.S. businesses and to take limited but important steps to improve the welfare of most Bolivians. Still, it remains the general rule that in much of Europe U.S. hegemony helped establish what many in the United States considered “socialism,” while in Latin America the United States used its power to prevent a similar outcome. On Bolivian-U.S. relations, see James Siekmeier, The Bolivian Revolution and the United States, 1952 to the Present (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2011); and Thomas C. Field, From Development to Dictatorship: Bolivia and the Alliance for Progress in the Kennedy Era (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2014). European welfare states were not uniform in structure, of course, and “social democratic” here refers to a variety of welfare-state political democracies, not only the Scandinavian model. On the diversity of European welfare states, see Gøsta Esping-Andersen, The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1990).
7. Patrick Iber, “Anti-Communist Entrepreneurs and the Origins of the Cultural Cold War in Latin America,” in De-centering Cold War History: Local and Global Change, ed. Jadwiga E. Pieper Mooney and Fabio Lanza (London: Routledge, 2012), 167–186; Olivia Gall, Trotsky en México y la vida política en el periodo de Cárdenas, 1937–1940 (Mexico City: Ediciones Era, 1991), 86–87.
8. “New York Operations of the Congress for Cultural Freedom,” 16 August 1950, James Burnham Papers, box 11, folder 2, HIA. For Hook’s knowledge of the CIA connection, see Hugh Wilford, The Mighty Wurlitzer: How the CIA Played America (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2008), 84. Sidney Hook Address at CCF
Opening Session, Hoover Institution Library Society Papers, Congress for Cultural Freedom, 2; Karl Jaspers, “On Dangers and Chances of Freedom,” Congress Paper no. 17, Hoover Institution Library Society Papers, Congress for Cultural Freedom, 17. Arthur Schlesinger Jr., author of The Vital Center, was an enthusiastic participant in CCF events. Arthur M. Schlesinger, The Vital Center: The Politics of Freedom (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1949).
9. Michael Josselson and Diana Josselson, The Commander: A Life of Barclay de Tolly (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980). The “junior year abroad” quote is from Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (New York: Doubleday, 2007), 36. On those who knew of the CIA relationship, see Frances Stonor Saunders, The Cultural Cold War: The CIA and the World of Arts and Letters (New York: New Press, 2000), 394–395. When the Ford Foundation made its deal with the CIA to work on projects of mutual interest, one of its concerns was that a refusal to do so would simply lead the CIA to place an agent in the Ford Foundation and use its money surreptitiously. Kai Bird, The Chairman: John J. McCloy, the Making of the American Establishment (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992), 426–428; Volker Rolf Berghahn, America and the Intellectual Cold Wars in Europe: Shepard Stone between Philanthropy, Academy, and Diplomacy (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2001), 223–240. For a diagram of the structure of the CCF, see ibid., 300.
