24. For the enhancement of male status with herding economies, see Holden and Mace 2003.
25. In Anthony and Brown (2000) we reported a smaller number of horses, cattle, and sheep from the cemetery at Khvalynsk, based on only the twelve “ritual deposits” placed above the graves. I later compiled the complete animal bone reports from two sources: Petrenko 1984; and Agapov, Vasiliev, and Pestrikova 1990, tables 1, 2. They presented conflicting descriptions of the numbers of sheep in ritual deposits 10 and 11, and this discrepancy resulted in a total count of either fifty-two or seventy sheep MNI.
26. See Ryndina 1998:151–159, for Khvalynsk I and II metals.
27. For ornaments see Vasiliev 2003.
28. For the possibility that the first domesticated animals came across the North Caucasus from the Near East, see Shnirelman 1992; and Jacobs 1993; and, in opposition, see Anthony1994.
29. Yanushevich 1989.
30. Nalchik is described in Gimbutas 1956:51–53.
31. I found this grave referenced in Gei 2000:193.
32. The bones at Dzhangar were originally reported to contain domesticated cattle, but the zoologist Pavel Kosintsev told me, in 2001, that they were all onager and horse, with no obvious domesticates.
33. The Neolithic cultures of the North Caspian Depression, east of the Volga, were first called the Seroglazivka culture by Melent’ev (1975). Seroglazivka included some Neolithic forager camps similar to Dzhangar and later sites with domesticated animal bones like Varfolomievka. Yudin suggested in 1998 that a new label, “Orlovka culture,” should be applied to the Early Eneolithic sites with domesticated animals. On Varfolomievka, see Yudin 1998, 1988. Razdorskoe was described by Kiyashko 1987. Older but still informative is Telegin 1981.
34. The Orlovka site was first described by Mamontov 1974.
35. The Samara Neolithic culture, with the cemetery of S’yezzhe, usually is placed earlier than Khvalynsk, as one S’yezzhe grave contained a boars-tusk plaque exactly like a DDII type. Radiocarbon dates now indicate that early Khvalynsk overlapped with the late Samara Neolithic (and late DDII). The Samara Neolithic settlement of Gundurovka contained Khvalynsk pottery. The Samara culture might have begun before Khvalynsk; see Vasiliev and Ovchinnikova 2000. For S’yezzhe, see Vasiliev and Matveeva 1979. For animal bones, see Petrenko 1984:149; and Kuzmina 2003.
CHAPTER 10. THE DOMESTICATION OF THE HORSE AND THE ORIGINS OF RIDING
1. See Clayton and Lee 1984; and Clayton 1985. For a recent update, see Manfredi, Clayton, and Rosenstein 2005.
2. For early descriptions of bit wear, see Clutton-Brock 1974; and Azzaroli 1980. Doubts about the causes of this kind of wear had been expressed by Payne (1995) in a study published after long delays.
3. We were provided with horse teeth by Mindy Zeder at the Smithsonian Institution; the Large Mammal Veterinary Facility at Cornell University; the University of Pennsylvania’s New Bolton Veterinary Center; the Bureau of Land Management, Winnemucca, Nevada; and Ron Keiper of Pennsylvania State University. We learned mold-making and casting procedures from Sandi Olsen and Pat Shipman, then at Johns Hopkins University. Mary Littauer gave us invaluable advice and the use of her unparalleled library. Our first steps were supported by grants from the Wenner-Gren Foundation and the American Philosophical Society.
4. On horse MtDNA, see Jansen et al. 2002; and Vilà et al. 2001. For horse Y-chromosomes, see Lindgren et al. 2004.
5. For equids in Anatolia, see Summers 2001; and online reports on the Catal Höyuk project. For horses in Europe, see Benecke 1994; and Peske 1986.
6. For Mesolithic and Neolithic Pontic-Caspian horses, see Benecke 1997; Vasiliev, Vybornov, and Komarov 1996; and Vasilev 1998. For horse bones at Ivanovskaya in the Samara Neolithic, see Morgunova 1988. In the same volume, see I. Kuzmina 1988.
7. For Mongol horse keeping, see Sinor 1972; and Smith 1984. For horses and cattle in the blizzard of 1886, see Ryden 1978:160–162. For feral horses see also Berger 1986.
8. For a review of these methods, see Davis 1987. For riding-related pathologies in vertebrae, see Levine 1999b. For crib-biting, see Bahn 1980; and the critique in White 1989.
9. The graphs from Benecke and von den Driesch (2003) are combined and reprinted as figure 10.3 here. See also Bökönyi 1974. For a critical view of Dereivka, see Uerpmann 1990.
10. The ratio of females to males in a harem band, counting immature horses, should be about 2:1, but the skeletons of immature males cannot be assigned a sex as the canine teeth do not erupt until about four to five years of age, and the presence of erupted canines is the principal way to identify males. From the bones, a harem band would contain just one identifiable male.
11. A horse’s age at death can be estimated from a loose molar by measuring the molar crown height, the length of the tooth from the bifurcation between the roots to the occlusal surface. This measurement decreases with age as the tooth wears down. Spinage (1972) was the first to publish crown height-versus-age statistics for equids, based on zebras; Levine (1982) published statistics for a small sample of horses using measurements from X-rays. We largely confirmed Levine’s numbers with direct measurements on our larger sample. But we found that estimates based only on crown heights have at best a±1.5 year degree of uncertainty (a three-year span). The crown height on the right and left P2s of the same horse can vary by as much as 5 mm, which would normally be interpreted as indicating a difference in age of more than three years. See note 18, below.
12. Bibikova (1967, 1969) noted that fifteen of seventeen sexable mandibles were male. I subtracted the cult stallion, an Iron Age intrusion, making fourteen of sixteen males. Bibikova never published a complete description of the Dereivka horse bones, but she did note that the MNI was fifty-two individuals; 23% of the population was aged one to two years (probably looking at long bone fusion); fifteen of seventeen sexable jaw fragments were from males older than five, as this is when the canine teeth emerge; and there were no very old individuals. Levine’s age-at-death statistics were based on the crown heights of all the teeth kept in 1998, with an MNI of only sixteen—about two-thirds of the original collection had been lost. Only 7% of this remnant population was one to two years of age based on long-bone fusion (1999b:34) and about one-third of the surviving teeth were from the Iron-Age cult stallion. For Levine’s age-at-death graphs, see Levine 1990, 1999a, 1999b.
13. The analysis of the equid P2s from Leisey was conducted by Christian George as part of his MA Thesis in Geosciences at the University of Florida. The 1.5-million-year-old Leisey equids were Equus “leidyi,” possibly an eastern variant of Equus scotti, a common member of the Rancholabrean fauna, very similar in dentition, diet and stature to true horses. Of the 113 P2s from this site, 39 were eliminated because of age, damage, or pathologies, leaving 74 measurable P2s from mature equids. See George 2002; Anthony, Brown, and George 2006; and Hulbert, Morgan, and Webb 1995. Our collection of P2s was assembled through the generosity of the New Bolton Center at the University of Pennsylvania, the Cornell University College of Veterinary Medicine, the Bureau of Land Management in Winnemucca, NE; and Ron Keiper, then at Pennsylvania State University.
14. We are grateful to the National Science Foundation for supporting the riding experiment, and to the State University of New York at Cobleskill for hosting and managing it. Dr. Steve MacKenzie supervised the project, and the riding and recording was done by two students in the Horse Training and Behavior Program, Stephanie Skargensky and Michelle Beleyea. The bone bit and antler cheekpieces were made with flint tools by Paul Trotta. The hemp rope was supplied by Vagn Noeddlund of Randers Ropeworks. Mary Littauer and Sandra Olsen provided valuable suggestions on bits and mold-making. All errors were our own.
15. The pre-experiment, never-bitted mean bevel measurement for the three horses bitted with soft bits was 1.1 mm, the same as the never-bitted Pleistocene Leisey equids. The standard deviation for the three was 0.42 mm. The post-experiment mean was 2.04 mm, more than two standard deviations greater than the
pre-experiment mean. Another 300 hours of riding might have created a bevel of 3 mm, our threshold for archaeological specimens.
16. The 74 never-bitted equid teeth from Leisey exhibited a greater range of variation than the 31 never-bitted modern P2s we collected, not surprising with a larger sample. The distribution of measurements was normal, and a t-Test of the difference between the means for our bitted sample and the Leisey sample showed a significant difference. The threshold of 3 mm for identifying bit wear in archaeological specimens is supported by the Leisey data.
17. Levine outlined six problems with our bit wear studies in 1999b:11–12 and 2004:117–120. She placed it in a category she termed “false direct evidence,” with so-called bridle cheekpieces whose forms vary wildly and whose function is entirely speculative. We believe Levine’s criticisms are based on factual errors, distortions, and misunderstandings. For our reply to each of her six criticisms, see Anthony, Brown, and George 2006. We remain confident in our analysis of bit wear.
18. Permanent horse P2s become flattened or “tabled” by occlusion with the opposing tooth gradually between two and three years of age. Brown determined that a P2with a crown height greater than 5.0 mm and an occlusal length-to-width ratio greater than 2.1 is probably from a horse three years old or younger, so should be excluded from studies of bit wear (Brown and Anthony 1998:338–40). Brown was the first to combine the crown height and the occlusal length-width ratio to produce an age-at-death estimate this precise. If she had not done this we would have been forced to discard half of our sample to avoid using 2–3-year-old teeth. Christian George also used Brown’s method to eliminate young teeth (< 3 yr) from the Leisey sample. It should be noted that George found one P2with a bevel of 3.05 mm, but it was probably from a horse less than three years old.
19. Bendrey (2007), as this book went to press, reported new bevel measurements on never-bitted Przewalski horses, from zoos in England and Prague. Bendrey measured 29 P2s from 15 Przewalksi horses of acceptable age (>3 and <21), and found 3mm bevels on three, or 10%. We found one bevel of almost 3mm in 105 never-bitted P2s, less than 1%. The Przewalski bevels all were caused by malocclusion with the opposing upper P2; one 3mm bevel was filed down as a veterinary treatment for underbite. Malocclusion occurred among zoo-kept Przewalskis more frequently than among Pleistocene equids or Nevada mustangs. All zoo Przewalskis are descended from about 15 captured in the wild, and these founders might have had unusually bad occlusion. Also domestic horses were bred with the founders, perhaps mixing genes for different tooth and jaw sizes.
20. Raulwing 2000:61, with references.
21. For Dereivka, see Telegin 1986. For the horse bones, see Bibikova 1967, 1970; Bökönyi 1974, 1978, 1979; and Nobis 1971.
22. For criticisms of the traditional evidence for horse domestication at Dereivka, see Anthony 1986, 1991b; and Levine 1990.
23. Our research at the Institute of Zoology in Kiev was hosted by a generous and thoughtful Natalya Belan; in Samara, Russia, by Igor Vasiliev; and in Petropavlovsk, Kazakhstan, by Victor Zaibert. In Budapest Sandor Bökönyi made us welcome in the gracious manner for which he was widely known and is widely missed. The project was supported by a grant from the National Science Foundation. For reports, see Anthony and Brown 1991; and Anthony, Telegin, and Brown 1991.
24. See Häusler 1994.
25. For the redating of the Dereivka cult stallion, see Anthony and Brown 2000; reiterated in Anthony and Brown 2003.
26. Both Botai and Tersek showed some influence in their ceramics from forager cultures of the forest-steppe zone in the southeastern Urals, known as Ayatskii, Lipchin, and Surtanda. Botai-Tersek might have originated as a southern, steppe-zone offshoot of these cultures. For a description of Botai and Tersek in English, see Kislenko and Tatarintseva 1999; in Russian, see Zaibert 1993. For discussions of the horse remains at Botai and related sites, see Olsen 2003; and Brown and Anthony 1998.
27. Our initial measurements of the horse teeth from Kozhai 1 (made in a hotel room in Petropavlovsk, Kazakhstan) produced one tooth with a 3 mm bevel. This is how we described the Kozhai results before 2006. We remeasured the twelve Kozhai 1 casts for Anthony, Brown, and George 2006, and agreed that a borderline 2.9+ measurement was actually 3 mm, resulting in two teeth with bit wear. Two other P2s from Kozhai 1 measured 2 mm or more, an unusually high measurement among wild horses.
28. Describing the Botai horses as wild were Levine 1999a, 1999b; Benecke and von den Dreisch 2003; and Ermolova, in Akhinzhalov, Makarova, and Nurumov 1992.
29. See Olsen 2003:98–101.
30. French and Kousoulakou 2003:113.
31. The Atbasar Neolithic preceded Botai in the northern Kazakh steppes; see Kislenko and Tatarintseva 1999. Benecke and von den Dreisch (2003: table 6.3) reported that domesticated sheep and cattle bones were found in Atbasar sites in the Kazakh steppes, dated before Botai. This is true, but the Russian and Kazakh authors they cite described the bones of domesticated sheep and cattle as later intrusions in the Neolithic levels; they were less weathered than the bones of the wild animals. The animal bones from Atbasar sites are interpreted by Akhinzhalov, Makarova, and Nurumov as indicating a foraging economy based on wild horses, short-horned bison, saiga antelope, gazelle, red deer, and fish. Domesticated animals appeared at the end of the Botai era. For their comments on differential bone weathering in Atbasar sites, see Akhinzhalov, Makarova, and Nurumov 1992:28–29, 39.
32. Logvin (1992) and Gaiduchenko (1995) interpreted some animal bones in sites of the Eneolithic Tersek culture, centered in the Tugai steppes near Kustenai, Kazakhstan, and dated to the same period as Botai, as domesticated cattle, particularly from Kumkeshu I. Another zoologist, Makarova, had identified the Tersek bovid bones as those of wild bison (Akhinzhalov, Makarova, and Nurumov 1992:38). Some domesticated cattle might have been kept in Tersek sites, which were closer to the Pontic-Caspian herders. None appeared at Botai. For Kumkeshu I, see Logvin, Kalieva, and Gaiduchenko 1989.
33. For horses in the Caucasus I relied on the text of a conference paper by Mezhlumian (1990). A few horses might have passed through the Caucasus into northern Iran before 3000 BCE, indicated by a few probable horse teeth at the site of Qabrestan, west of Teheran (see Mashkour 2003) and a possible horse tooth at Godin Tepe (see Gilbert 1991). No definite horse remains have been identified in eastern Iran, Central Asia, or the Indian subcontinent in deposits dated earlier than 2000 BCE, claims to the contrary notwithstanding. For a review of this debate, see Meadow and Patel 1997.
34. For central Eus opean horses, see See Benecke 1994; Bökönyi 1979; and Peške 1986.
35. Khazanov 1994:32.
36. For war and the prestige trade, see Vehik 2002.
37. The American Indian analogy is described in Anthony 1986. The most detailed analysis of the effects of horseback riding and horse keeping on Plains Indian cultures is Ewers 1955.
38. One argument against riding before 1500 BCE was that steppe horses were too small to ride. This is not true. More than 70% of the horses at Dereivka and Botai stood 136–144 cm at the withers, or about 13–14 hands high, and some were 15 hands high. They were the same size as Roman cavalry horses. Another argument is that rope and leather bits were inadequate for controlling horses in battle. This is also not true, as the American Indians demonstrated. Our SUNY students at Cobleskill also had “no problem” controlling horses with rope bits. The third is that riders in the steppes rode sitting back on the rump of the horse, a manner suited only to riding donkeys, which did not exist in the steppes. We have rebutted these doubts about Eneolithic riding in Anthony, Brown, and George 2006. For the arguments against Eneolithic riding, see Sherratt 1997a:217; Drews 2004:42–50; Renfrew 2002; and E. Kuzmina 2003:213.
39. The remains of a bow found in Berezovka kurgan 3, grave 2, on the Volga, in a grave of Pokrovka type probably dated about 1900–1750 BCE, had bone plates reinforcing the shaft and bone tips at the ends—a composite bow. The surviving pieces suggest a length of 1.4–1.5 m
, almost five feet from tip to tip. See Shishlina 1990; and Malov 2002. For an overview of early archery and bows, see Zutterman 2003.
40. I am indebted to Dr. Muscarella for some of these ideas about arrow points. For a discussion of the initial appearance and usage of socketed bronze arrowheads, see Derin and Muscarella 2001. For a catalogue and discussion of the early Iron Age socketed arrowheads of the Aral Sea region, see Itina and Yablonskii 1997. Socketed bronze spear points were made in the steppes as early as 2000 BCE, and smaller socketed points began to appear occasionally in steppe sites about the middle of the Late Bronze Age, around 1500 BCE, but their potential was not immediately exploited. The ideal bows, arrows, and arrowheads for mounted archery evolved slowly.
41. For tribal warfare, see Keeley 1996.
CHAPTER 11. THE END OF OLD EUROPE AND THE RISE OF THE STEPPE
1. For the gold at Varna, see Bailey 2000:203–224; Lafontaine and Jordanov 1988; and Eleure 1989.
2. Chapman 1989.
3. For off-tell settlement at Bereket, see Kalchev 1996; at Podgoritsa, see Bailey et al. 1998.
4. The decrease in solar insolation that bottomed out at 4000–3800 BCE is documented in Perry and Hsu 2000; and Bond et al. 2001. For the Piora Oscillation in the Swiss Alps, see Zöller 1977. For indicators of cooling in about 4000 BCE in the Greenland ice cores, see O’Brien et al. 1995. For climate change in Central Europe in the German oak tree rings, see Leuschner et al. 2002. For the Pontic steppes, see Kremenetski, Chichagova, and Shishlina 1999.
5. For the flooding and agricultural shifts, see Bailey et al. 2002. For overgrazing and soil erosion, see Dennell and Webley 1975.
6. For Jilava, see Comsa 1976.
7. The pollen changes are described in Marinova 2003.
8. Cast copper objects began to appear regularly in western Hungary with the Lasinja-Balaton culture at about 4000 BCE; see Bánffy 1995; also Parzinger 1992.
The Horse, the Wheel, and Language: How Bronze-Age Riders From the Eurasian Steppes Shaped the Modern World Page 53
