by Linda Porter
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UNPUBLISHED DISSERTATIONS
Merton, Charlotte,The women who served Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth, PhD dissertation, University of Cambridge, 1991
Rowley-Wiliams, Jennifer, Image and reality: the lives of aristocratic women in early Tudor England, DPhil dissertation, University of Wales, Bangor, 1998
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Notes
Abbreviations used
Notes
Chapter 1 Daughter of England, Child of Spain
1 Cal SP Venetian, 2, p. 285.
2 For an evocative description of life in Tudor England, see Susan Brigden, New Worlds, Lost Worlds (London, 2000).
3 David Starkey, Six Wives: The Queens of Henry VIII (London, 2004), p. 11.
4 Frederick Madden (ed.), Privy Purse Expenses of the Princess Mary (London, 1831), p. xx. Many writers have described the spoon as a gift from Gertrude Blount, wife of Princess Katherine’s son, Henry Courtenay. She did not, however, marry Courtenay until October 1519, so it would seem more likely that the ‘lady Devonshire’ referred to in the accounts is, in fact, Mary’s godmother herself.
5 Ibid., p. xx.
6 Hazel M Pierce, Margaret Pole, Countess of Salisbury (Cardiff, 2003), p. 47.
7 Margaret claimed the Salisbury title through the Montague lands of her great-grandmother. See ibid., p. 33.
8 Ibid., p. 40.
9 Madden, Privy Purse Expenses, p. xxiii.
10 Ibid., pp. xxviii-xxix.
11 Rawdon Brown (ed.), Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII, 2 vols (London, 1854), II, pp. 163-4.
12 L&P, 3i, no. 896.
13 Ibid., no. 1162.
14 Cal SP Spanish Further Supplement (1513-42), p. 185.
15 L&P, 3ii, pp. 288-96.
16 Margaret Pole’s first period as lady governess lasted only about a year. She was replaced by a husband-and-wife team, Sir Philip and Lady Jane Calthorp. Sir Philip was brought in to manage Mary’s expanding household. His wife’s qualifications for her role are unknown.
Chapter 2 The Education of a Princess
1 The virginal was a small rectangular spinet without legs. It had only one wire per note and was often played in pairs.The regal was a kind of portable organ with one row of pipes.
2 See Garrett Mattingly, Katherine of Aragon (London, 1944), p. 154.
3 Mary’s cousin, Lady Jane Grey, gave the impression in her writings that she felt more affection for the household chaplains than she did for her parents.
4 BL Cotton MS Vitellius, Ci, f. 23.
5 Juan Luis Vives, The Education of a Christian Woman, ed. Charles Fantazzi (Chicago, 2000), p. 50.
6 Italian women humanists were in the forefront of Renaissance discussions of the education of women.The combination of literacy in Latin and familiarity with both classical and Christian texts informed their views.
7 Despite recurring fears that girls would lead men into sin, the illegitimacy rate in early 16th-century England was as low as 2 per cent. See Brigden, New Worlds, p. 63.
8 BL Cotton MS Vitellius, Ci, f. 24b.
9 Quoted in Mattingly, Katherine of Aragon, p. 189.
10 Thornbury Castle still stands, the only surviving Tudor palace in England to be used as a hotel.
11 Though Henry VII had ensured that almost every Marcher lordship had been taken over by the Crown, it had not been an entirely one-way traffic. Most of the minor offices of his court were held by Welshmen. Henry VIII does not seem to have had much inte
rest in the principality before deciding to send Mary there and did not feel inclined to pay it a visit in person. It has been pointed out that justice in Wales was not the disaster implied in the official statement and that there had been a council functioning there up to 1522. See Gwyn A Williams, When Was Wales? (London, 1991), p. 117, and W. R. B. Robinson, ‘Princess Mary’s Itinerary in the Marches of Wales, 1525-27’, Historical Research, vol. 71 (1998).
12 Elizabeth Blount had married Gilbert Tailboys within three months of the birth of her son.The couple lived in Lincolnshire and subsequently had three children. After Tailboys’ death Elizabeth married Edward Fiennes de Clinton.There are indications in a letter of 1529 to Richmond’s tutor that she had more involvement in his upbringing than has generally been thought. See DNB entry for Elizabeth Blount.
13 Veysey seems to have been a competent administrator and he stayed on in Wales after Mary left, until Thomas Cromwell turned his attention to reorganising the principality in 1534. Cromwell removed him because he was not viewed as sufficiently tough on law and order.
14 Mary’s initial stay at Thornbury was less than three weeks. On 12 September 1525 she made a ceremonial entry into Gloucester and went from there to Tewkesbury, where she spent most of the autumn living in the abbey manor.
15 ‘The prayer of St Thomas of Aquinas, translated out of Latin into English by the most excellent Princess Mary … in the year of our Lord God 1527’, printed in Madden, Privy Purse Expenses, Appendix II, pp. clxxiii-clxxiv.
16 Quoted in ibid., p. xliii.
17 Cal SP Venetian, 4, pp. 59-61.
18 M. A. E. Wood (ed.), Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies (London, 1846), vol. ii, p. 32-3.
19 Cal SP Venetian, 4, p. 682, quoted in J. M. Stone, The History of Mary I, Queen of England (London, 1902), p. 46.
Chapter 3 The Queen and the Concubine
1 Quoted in Eric Ives, The Life and Death of Anne Boleyn (Oxford, 2005), p. 87.The precise dating of the letter is uncertain.
2 In fact, Francis was about to replace Françoise with an Anne of his own, Anne d’Heilly, later duchess of Etampes.
3 Henry’s role in the English Reformation remains the subject of dispute between scholars. For a major reinterpretation, see G.W. Bernard, The King’s Reformation (London, 2005).
4 Cal SP Venetian, 4, p. 584.
5 It has been suggested that the origin of the antipathy between Mary Tudor and Anne Boleyn dated back to the brief period in which Anne served Mary as queen of France and in particular to the unseemly haste with which Mary married Charles Brandon. See Ives, The Life and Death of Anne Boleyn, p. 28.
6 L&P, 5, p. 238.
7 Quoted in Bernard, The King’s Reformation, p. 89.
8 Cal SP Spanish, 3, ii, p. 166.
9 Ibid., 3, ii, p. 131.
10 Maria Dowling has noted that Katherine surprisingly failed to undertake a public relations campaign in English, despite her undoubted popularity. See M. Dowling, ‘Humanist Support for Katherine of Aragon’, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 57 (1984), pp. 46-55.
11 Cal SP Spanish, 3, ii, p. 586.
12 Ibid., 4, i, p. 352.
13 State Papers of King Henry VIII, I, p. 352.
14 Cal SP Venetian, 4, p. 600.
15 Cal SP Spanish, 4i, p. 548.
16 Ibid., 4ii, pp. 646-7.
Chapter 4 Mary Abased
1 L&P Henry VIII, 6, p. 238. It might be wondered why the father of Mary’s servant, Richard Wilbraham, was being knighted at such an advanced age.This was no belated recognition of services long since rendered, but a move by the king and his advisers to try to create as many knights as possible in order to tie a large part of the gentry to the increasingly radical political and religious programme.
2 Ibid., 6, p. 432.
3 Ibid., 6, p. 500.
4 Ibid., 6, pp. 491-2.
5 Cal SP Spanish, 4ii, p. 795.The letter has not survived.
6 Ibid., 4ii, p. 799.
7 Ibid., 4ii, p. 820.
8 L&P Henry VIII, 6, p. 1126.
9 Cal SP Spanish, 4ii, pp. 839-41.
10 By Professor Bernard in The King’s Reformation.
11 In fact, neither Mary nor Elizabeth was ever officially created princess of Wales.
12 Cal SP Spanish, 4ii, pp. 881-2, 894.
13 Ibid., 4ii, p. 894.
14 L&P Henry VIII, 7, p. 9.
15 This was an exaggeration, though it became an effective piece of propaganda. Katherine’s household at Buckden Palace in Cambridgeshire cost Henry VIII £3,000 a year. Mary, on the other hand, was compelled to petition her father for new clothes at this time.
16 L&P Henry VIII, 7, p. 296.
17 Ibid., 7, p. 21.
18 Ibid., 7, p. 83.
19 Ibid., 7, p. 296.
20 Ibid., 7, p. 393. Mary found a less dramatic way of dealing with the same problem in late August, when her sister moved to Greenwich. She was allowed to ride on ahead and so got there before Elizabeth.
21 Ibid., 7, p. 1129.
22 Ibid., 8, p. 189.
23 Castillon to Francis I, ibid., 7, Appendix, p. 13, and 8, p. 174.
24 The less attractive side of Thomas More, such as his enthusiasm for burning heretics, has been conveniently overlooked.
25 Quoted in Mattingly, Katherine of Aragon, pp. 344-5.
26 Chapuys heard that the child Anne lost was a boy. Other rumours said that the foetus was deformed. Neither of these hypotheses can be proved and they may have been invented by Anne’s enemies.
27 The portrait is in the Kunsthistoriches Museum,Vienna.
28 Cal SP Spanish, 6i, pp. 84-5.
29 Ibid., 5i, p. 85.
30 Ibid., 5i, p. 101.
31 BL Cotton MS Otho CX, f. 230 (L&P, 10, p. 792).
32 Quoted in Ives, The Life and Death of Anne Boleyn, p. 358.
33 Cal SP Spanish, 5i, p. 137.
34 Sylloge Epistolarum, ed.Thomas Hearne (1716), p. 140.
35 Cal SP Spanish, 5i, pp. 124-8.
36 Sylloge Epistolarum, pp. 146-7.
37 Cal SP Spanish, 5i, p. 139.
38 Sylloge Epistolarum, pp. 124-5.
39 Ibid., pp. 125-6.
40 BL Cotton MS Otho CX, f. 256.
41 Cal SP Spanish, 5i, p. 182.
42 Sylloge Epistolarum, pp. 137-8.
43 The Princess Mary’s Submission, 22 June 1536, L&P Henry VIII, 10, p. 478.
44 Sylloge Epistolarum, pp. 128-9.
45 Cal SP Spanish, 5i, pp. 195-6.
46 Sylloge Epistolarum, p. 131.
47 Cal SP Spanish, 5i, pp. 237-8.
48 Charles Wriothesley, A Chronicle of England, 1485-1559, ed.W. D. Hamilton, Camden Society, 2nd series, vol. 20, pp. 59-60.
Chapter 5 The Quiet Years
1 Mary to Cromwell, undated, latter half of 1536; Hearne, Sylloge Epistolarum,pp.145-6.
2 Cal SP Spanish, 5ii, p. 509.
3 John Heywood, b. 1496/7, d. in or after 1578.The poem ‘A Praise of his Ladye’ is in Tottel’s Songes and Sonnettes, 1557.The description of Mary’s gauntness is in H. F. M. Prescott, Mary Tudor (London, 1953), p. 99.
4 Marillac to Francis I, 2 October 1541, Correspondence politique de MM de Castillon et de Marillac, ambassadeurs de France en Angleterre (1537-42), pp. 349-50.
5 BL Royal Manuscript, Appendix 89, f. 41.
6 See Alison J. Carter, ‘Mary Tudor’s Wardrobe’, Costume, the Journal of the Costume Society, no. 18 (1984), pp. 9-28.
7 Madden, Privy Purse Expenses, pp. 175-99.
8 Ibid., pp. 225 and 247.
9 L&P Henry VIII, 11, p. 656.
10 Marillac’s described her, in September 1540, as of ‘mediocre’ beauty but very graceful and with a sweet face. Correspondence politique, p. 218.
11 L&P Henry VIII, 16, p. 1332.
12 Ibid., 17, p. 1212.
13 Margaret quarrelled with Henry VIII shortly before his death over her strict adherence to Catholicism. Henry was so angry that he cut her out of the succession in
his will.
14 The view that Mary stopped because she felt she was betraying her mother’s memory seems far-fetched. See B.Travitsky and P. Cullen (eds), The Early Modern Englishwoman, Series 1, Printed Writings, 1500-1640 (Ashgate, 2001), part 2, vol. 5, p. xii, ‘Elizabeth and Mary Tudor’.
15 John Foxe, Acts and Monuments, ed. S. R. Cattley, 8 vols (London, 1886), vol. v, pp. 559-60.
Chapter 6 The Defiant Sister
1 6 February 1547, Cal SP Spanish, 9, p. 15.
2 E.W. Ives, ‘Henry VIII’s will - a forensic conundrum’, Historical Journal, 35 (1992), pp. 779-804.
3 10 February 1547, Cal SP Spanish, 9, p. 20.
4 BL Lansdowne MS, 1236, f. 26.
5 In early July, Mary asserted to Van der Delft that ‘she had never spoken to him [Seymour] in her life and had only seen him once’. Cal SP Spanish, 9, p. 123.
6 Gregorio Leti, Historia o vera vita di Elisabetta (Amsterdam, 1693), vol. 1, p. 180.
7 7 March 1547, Cal SP Spanish, 9, p. 47.
8 28 May 1549, ibid., 9,p.381.
9 13 April (probably 1549), ibid., Cal SP Spanish, 9, p. 363 (check)
10 June 1549, ibid., 9,p.384.
11 Paget’s implication that the emperor lied was used as the occasion for his expulsion from the council in 1551. By that time Northumberland’s regime was in bad odour with Charles V and Paget’s demission was an indirect apology and a useful way of getting rid of a political opponent.
12 7 July 1549, State Papers Domestic of Edward VI, ed. C Knighton (London, 1992), pp. 121-2.
13 Quoted in D. Loades, John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland (London, 1996), p. 138.
14 9 October 1549, Knighton, State Papers Domestic of Edward VI, p. 146.
15 See Loades, John Dudley, p. 142.
16 14 January 1550, Cal SP Spanish, 10, p. 6.
17 29 August 1551, Acts of the Privy Council, ed. J. R. Dasent (London, 1890-1964), vol. 3, p. 351.
18 Although John Dudley is best remembered by the title of his dukedom, Northumberland, it was not awarded until October 1551, by which time his relations with Mary had eased.
19 Report of Jehan Dubois on the matter concerning the Lady Mary, drawn up in full and as nearly as possible in the actual words spoken, July 1550 (hereafter Dubois’ report), Cal SP Spanish, 10, pp. 124-50.
20 Mary’s comments reported by Van der Delft to the emperor, 2 May 1550, Cal SP Spanish, 10, pp. 80-81.
