The Tulsa race riot was “national news” and was the subject of a fair number of articles in national periodicals. “The Tulsa Race Riots,” Independent, CV (June 18, 1921); “Blood and Oil,” Survey, XLVI (June 11, 1921); “The Lesson of Tulsa,” Outlook, CXXVIII (June 15, 1921); and “The Tulsa Riots,” Crisis, XXII (July 1921), all contain useful information, but the most useful is Walter White, “The Eruption of Tulsa,” Nation, CXII (June 29, 1921). White, who at that time served on the national staff of the NAACP, traveled to Tulsa incognito to investigate the devastation. Amy Comstock, “‘Over There,’ Another View of the Tulsa Riots,” Survey, XLVI (July 2, 1921), is an attempt to relieve white Tulsans for any responsibility in the event, written by the secretary to Richard Lloyd Jones, editor of the Tribune.
Charles F. Barrett, Oklahoma after Fifty Years: A History of the Sooner State and Its People (Hopkinsville, Ky: Historical Record Association, 1941), vacillates between being a personal memoir and a history of the state. Barrett was the adjutant general of Oklahoma at the time of the riot, commanding the National Guard troops which came to the city. His section on the riot contains a good amount of useful information. A reminiscence of value is Ross T. Warner, Oklahoma Boy (N.p., n.p., n.d.).
Newspaper accounts were essential in reconstructing the events of the riot. Not surprisingly, the material found in the Tribune and the World was found to be the most helpful. The offices of the Star and the Sun were burned by white rioters, and the nearest extant issues of each do not contain any information especially helpful in charting the course of the violence. Of the out-of-town newspapers consulted, those found to be of the most assistance were: the New York Times; the San Francisco Chronicle; the Oklahoma City Daily Oklahoman; and the Oklahoma City Black Dispatch.
In the face of this situation—the dearth of local black sources— the testimony of many of my oral informants proved to be particularly valuable. Not only did they balance the accounts in the Tribune and the World, but they also provided information on personal experiences during the violence simply not available anywhere else.
The collections of the Oklahoma State Archives also proved to be invaluable in charting the course of the violence. The Governor James B. A. Robertson Papers contain a number of important documents, including the telegrams sent him by the authorities in Tulsa. The Oklahoma State Attorney Generals Collection also contains a number of key items, including statements by Tulsans affected by the riot.
THE AFTERMATH
The events comprising the aftermath of the riot were also reconstructed from an amalgam of sources. Testimony from my oral informants, plus accounts in the Tribune and the World, covered the entire range of post-riot activities. One extant issue of the Sun also contained useful material.
In documenting the activities of the city’s white elite, the key sources were the Records of Commission Proceedings (1921–1922), City of Tulsa, and, especially, the Minutes of Directors’ Meetings (1921), Tulsa Chamber of Commerce. Other notably useful items on this topic, and on the bona fide relief activities, included: Gill, “The Tulsa Race Riot,” which contains information culled from his interviews; Parrish, Events of the Tulsa Disaster, for her information on the Red Cross and various black groups; and, White, “The Eruption of Tulsa,” for its knowledgeable perspective on what was actually transpiring during the “reconstruction.”
Barrett, Oklahoma after Fifty Years, the Robertson Papers at the Oklahoma State Archives, and Douglas, The History of Tulsa, I, were helpful in fathoming the involvement of the National Guard. The records of the District Court Clerk, located in the Tulsa County Courthouse were central to an understanding of the legal aspects of the aftermath, as were materials in the Oklahoma State Attorney Generals Collection at the Oklahoma State Archives.
USE OF CITY DIRECTORIES
Tulsa City Directories, from 1909 to 1922, were used in a number of ways in the research of this book, from trying to gain a sense who the IWW prisoners were to gauging the destruction of black Tulsa during the riot. They were an important source for the map, “Central Tulsa, 1917–1921,” and were virtually the only source for Appendices I and II. The research processes used with the directories were elementary, though often time-consuming. They bear explanation for their applicability to other research in urban social history, particularly in those subjects where manuscript census data is either not available or not particularly helpful.
Those familiar with city directories know that they share a number of things in common with a modern telephone directory, but that they contain more information. The most complete directories that I employed contained four sections: a general information section; an alphabetical index; an index of businesses; and a street index. The first section, the general information section, is a listing of public officials, public buildings, important commercial buildings, religious institutions, and fraternal orders. This section provided information on a number of subjects, including: how large the Tulsa police force was at any given year; how many police officers were black (in Tulsa city directories for this period, any person or institution designated as black was followed by a “(c)”—for “colored”); the location of important buildings; and the number, age, and congregation size of the city’s black churches (Appendix I was taken completely from this section).
The bulk of the city directories is taken up by the second section, the alphabetical index. This section, which resembles the “white pages” of a telephone book, purports to be an alphabetical listing of all of the city’s individuals and businesses. (One should assume that the completeness of such a compilation is as questionable as a manuscript census schedule—if not more so). An individual entry in this section might contain the following information: name of the (male) head of household; race, if black; spouse’s name; occupation; employer or place of employment; and residence address. This section of the city directory was used, for example, to determine the race and occupations of the IWW defendants and the persons subpoenaed in the Robinson case.
The third section, the index of businesses, closely resembles the “yellow pages” of a telephone book. Headings for a particular type of business or business person were followed by a listing of: persons or firms engaged in that line of work; their race, if black; and their addresses. Appendix II is based upon a simple enumeration of all black business persons and establishments as they appeared in this section of extant Tulsa city directories from 1907 to 1923.
Most of the Tulsa city directories from this period also contain a fourth section: a street index. This is a listing of all of the streets in Tulsa, followed by a listing of what, or who, resided at each address. From this it is possible to get a precise picture of of the distribution of black and white sections of the city, as well as the layout of business and residential districts. We can learn even more about these blocks if we combine this information with that found in the alphabetical index. By looking up each resident in the 500 block of North
Detroit Avenue, in the 1921 directory, we discover, for example, that most of them were married. We also learn what their occupations were and, for these particular blocks, this information is quite revealing. The white male residents (for whom an occupation was listed) were primarily unskilled and skilled workers. Many of their black male neighbors, by contrast, were professionals. Indeed, the 500 block of North Detroit was the home of a large portion of the city’s black elite, including two physicians, one dentist, one druggist, the editor of the Star, and the principal of the Booker T. Washington School.
Information from this section of the city directories was employed in a number of ways, but was particularly useful in mapping Tulsa’s black community. By using this section, as in the above example, in conjunction with period maps and plat maps obtained from the City Engineer’s office in Tulsa, I was able to designate the city’s black and white neighborhoods in the map, “Central Tulsa, 1917–1921.” This section was also helpful in investigating the social geography of the city and in trying to gauge the destruction of the
riot.
Acknowledgments
Had it not been for the help of three historians, this book most likely would not have been written. John Strawn, of Portland, Oregon, opened my eyes to the substance of the nation’s past in his brilliantly constructed course on American social history, and patiently guided me through the first version of this work. In Tulsa, W. D. Williams graciously took me into his home on several occasions, openly shared his personal experiences, allowed treasured family artifacts to be photographed, and diligently led me through the history of our hometown. After forty-two years of public service in teaching at Booker T. Washington High School in Tulsa, in 1979 the State of Oklahoma intelligently bestowed upon Mr. Williams the honorary title of “Historian of Oklahoma.” Larry Goodwyn’s help virtually defies description. As my mentor in the Oral History Program at Duke University, he encouraged me to continue my work on the riot, looked the other way when it interfered with my dissertation, and offered keen insights and crucial advice and criticism along the way.
Other historians have also been of assistance. The early and sustained encouragement of Bill Tuttle of the University of Kansas has been especially gratifying. The same may be said of Bill Chafe of the Oral History Program at Duke, who also assisted in securing funds for my research. Other scholars generously read and criticized various drafts of this work. They are: William McClendon of the Portland Observer in Portland, Oregon; Raymond Gavins of Duke University; Peter Decker of the Double D Ranch, Ridgway Colorado; William Strickland of the University of Massachusetts; Patrick Blessing and William Settle of the University of Tulsa; and Henry Whitlow, former principal of Booker T. Washington High School, Tulsa. Mr. Whitlow’s and Mr. Settle’s insights into the history of Tulsa proved to be essential, and they and Mr. Blessing did much to help facilitate my research in Oklahoma.
The Duke Oral History Program also deserves recognition. Although my earliest work on the riot preceded my affiliation with Duke, this book has been substantially affected by the program’s rigorous methods and democratic philosophy in the investigation of American history. In particular, two of my fellow graduate students at Duke, Donna Benson and Randy Lawrence, have significantly shaped and added to my understanding of the American past and have offered what is perhaps the best advice of all: that of one’s peers.
The indispensable contributions of my oral informants should be obvious. W D. Williams, Henry Whitlow, Robert Fairchild, N. C. Williams, and the late Seymour Williams deserve special recognition, not only for their time and patience, but also for leading me to other informants. Mrs. Mozella Jones aided me in a similar fashion, and also arranged for me to meet her brother, Dr. John Hope Franklin, whose encouragement has been notably gratifying.
In my search for written information, I was ably assisted by the staffs of a number of institutions. I would especially like to give thanks to the staffs of the following: the Tulsa City-County Library, Central Branch; the McFarlin Library of the University of Tulsa (especially Dr. Guy Logsdon); the Oklahoma State Historical Society (with a special thanks to Mrs. Mary Moran, who ably manages the newspaper archive); the Tulsa County Historical Society (particularly Mrs. Ruth Avery, another scholar of the riot); the Publications and Communications Office of the Metropolitan Tulsa Chamber of Commerce; and three Tulsa newspapers, the Oklahoma Eagle, the Tulsa Tribune, and the Tulsa World.
This book has been shaped over the years by a number of individuals who also have provided needed support and encouragement. While most of them are involved in pursuits far afield from American social history, their questions about my work have shaped it significantly. Others assisted in ways ranging from housing me to helping me with the various drafts. In particular, I would like to thank Carolyn Billings, Elise Butler, John Fawley Wade Hockett, Jeff Jacobs, George and Mary Sue McDaniel, Rachel Mason, Jim Pearson, Craig and Kathy Ryan, Roberta Stein, and Jane Vessels. At LSU Press, I have benefited from the interest and ideas of Marie Blanchard and Beverly Jarrett.
There is one other group which has significantly affected this book. Any author seeks a universal audience, but there are always a few, finite groups to whom a work is directed. One of mine is the Class of 1972 at Tulsa Central High School. As most of us were born in 1954, we were literally the children of the Brown decision, the children of integrated public schools. We were a true microcosm of the city of Tulsa, of all races and all social classes. Our three years together were marked by both large-scale racial violence and small-scale attempts at racial understanding. My classmates, many of them close friends, and our experiences together have very much remained in the back of my mind in the writing of this book. They have both fueled its creation and altered its form.
Lastly, I would like to thank my family. My brother generously lent me the use of his camera, and my sister provided me with important information about the musical history of Tulsa. My parents deserve the most credit of all. Throughout the process they have been a constant source of support. Indeed, they may have played a much larger role in the coming about of this book than they might imagine. When I was very young, my mother read me a history of the world, and my father taught me about rocks, fossils, and the geologic history of Oklahoma. I think this must have played a part.
Index
Abernathy, Reverend J. H., 38
Adkison, J. M., 49, 130
African Blood Brotherhood, 24, 136–37
Airplanes, use of in riot, 63
Allen, Walter, 39
American Federation of Labor, 18
American Legion, 78
Avery, C. S., 92
Barnett, Victor R, 127
Barrett, Charles F.: on cause of riot, 48
mobilizes National Guard, 53
arrives in Tulsa, 61
bans funerals, 67
issues regulations, 74–75
requests organization of relief committee, 82–83
Baughm, Theodore, 74
Bell, Major James A., 50–51, 53
Belton, Roy, incident involving (1920), 38–44, 126
Berry, Simon, 108
Biddison, W. Valjean, 53, 94, 97
Blaine, George Henry, 54, 78, 125, 128–29, 130
Booker T. Washington High School, 14, 67, 71, 81, 87
Boyd, E. M., 28
Brady, W. Tate, 123–24
Bridgewater, Dr. R. T, 72
Briggs, Cyril, 136
Brown, Major Paul R., 66
Bruce, John Edward, 23
Bush, Wesley, 90
Business Men’s Protective League, 78
Challenge Magazine, 24
Chamber of Commerce, Tulsa
—general actions: finances “Police Protection”
cards, 72
seeks martial law extension, 76
helps organize Business Men’s Protective League, 78
on grassroots relief, 79
postriot activities, 84–86
turns against Union Station project, 85–86
effects on rebuilding, 90
—Executive Welfare Committee: finances Oklahoma Sun, 74
organized, 82–83
activities, 83–86
disbanded, 84
financial contribution to the Red Cross, 92
Chappelle, P. A., 87–88
Cherry, Clarence, 109
Cherry, James, 35
Chicago Defender, 63
“Choc” (Choctaw beer): defined, 16, 121
“choc” joints, 16, 96, 120
Churches, Tulsa, black, 13, 14. See also Appendix I and individual churches
Churches, Tulsa, white: as internment centers, 71
relief efforts, 79
Cinnabar Hospital, 66, 67
City Commission, Tulsa: claims against, 70, 130
finances “Police Protection” cards, 72
approves Reconstruction Committee, 84
enacts fire ordinances, 85
blacks protest actions of, 86–87
nature of postriot policies, 88–89
ruling
s and effects on rebuilding, 89–90
financial contribution to Red Cross, 92. See also Reconstruction Committee
Cleaver, Barney, 14, 35–38, 49–51
Clinton, Dr. Fred S., 67
Cole, Redmond S., 125
“Colored Citizens Committee and East End Welfare Board.” See East End Welfare Board
Condon, Eugene, 124
Convention Hall, internment at, 59, 61–62, 72
Cooke, Reverend Harold G., 76
Court cases, postriot, 87–89, 97, 135. See also Grand jury
Crime and vice conditions, in Tulsa, 16, 39, 96, 99–100
Crisis, 23
Daley, C. W., 55–57
“Deep Greenwood.” See Greenwood, Avenue and business district Dreamland Theatre, 3, 70
Drexel Building, 46
Du Bois, W. E. B., 23, 24
Dunbar School, 14
Dunn, R. C., and Company, 70
East End Welfare Board, 79, 87, 89, 92
Ellison, Ralph, vii, 105, 107
Evans, T. D.: as judge at IWW trial, 28, 30
as mayor, 43, 61, 84, 85, 88, 127
Executive Welfare Committee. See
Chamber of Commerce, Tulsa
Fairchild, Robert, 45, 52
Fairgrounds, internment at, 59, 61,
71–72, 75
Fire ordinances, 85–88, 89, 133
Fox, E. L., 124
Freeling, S. P., 94, 97
Free Speech Fight, Tulsa (1914), 29
Franklin, B. C, 87–88, 109–110, 135
Franklin, John Hope, 17, 109, 135
Frissel Hospital, 67
Gap Band, 15
Garvey, Marcus, 23
Gill, Loren L., 47–48, 70, 127
Glenn Pool, oil discovery, 9
Grand jury, investigating riot: impanelled, 94
activities, 95
report, 95–97
“Grandfather Clause,” 19
Grant, Madison, 20
Death in a Promised Land Page 16
