It makes sense right wing forces in the United States, particularly in the CIA, had been involved in the scheme to begin with. After all, they had made possible Karol Wojtyla’s rise to the top. It makes all the sense in the world the Pope had his hand out for the $1.3 billion.
Reagan was now president and had already enticed congress to support the Contras. Though he did not give him the $1.3 billion, it may have been prearranged he would funnel through the CIA the $241 million which John Paul II would eventually satisfy his ‘moral’ obligation in connection with the scandal in 1984.
Regardless, a few days later, June 18, 1982, is the scene alleged by the film Godfather III to have occurred on the night John Paul I died four years earlier. Calvi had broken bail and left Italy. He was found hanging from a scaffold under Blackfriars Bridge in London.45
On the same morning, June 18, 1982, pedestrians found the body of Calvi’s secretary and closest confidant—whatever he knew, she knew—Graziella Corrocher, splattered on the sidewalk beneath the fourth floor window of her office in Milan. Corrocher left a note in her typewriter Calvi should be “twice cursed for the damage he did to the bank and its employees.” Although police were unable to determine who typed the note, they did determine it had been typed on another typewriter and then placed in her typewriter.46
The scandal broke on August 6, 1982 when Banco Ambrosiano filed bankruptcy.47 Of its $3.5 billion ‘black hole,’ $1.285 billion was traced to money raised by Calvi from European investors which was funneled by Ambrosiano’s Nicaraguan and Lima branches through IOR/APSA to ghost companies where it disappeared.48
On August 23, 1982, the Vatican announced John Paul II had ‘authorized’ Opus Dei a Prelature of the Holy See effective August 5, 1982 immunizing its officers from Italian courts. The timing of the Prelature authorization to the day before the bank’s collapse is compelling evidence the Pope knew officers of Opus Dei had been involved in the fraudulent deception of European investors—The Great Vatican Bank Scandal—and the murders surrounding it.49
The Pope was attempting to immunize those outside the Vatican including Andreotti, Calvi, Portillo and Gelli from Italian courts as they were known to be prominent members of the cult. He could not have been trying to protect those in the Vatican including himself, Casaroli, Caprio or Marcinkus as they were already immunized from the courts by the sovereignty of the Vatican via the Lateran Treaty.
On October 2, 1982, Giuseppe Dellacha, the Ambrosiano officer who handled the technicalities of the transactions from Ambrosiano to IOR/APSA was found sprawled across the sidewalk beneath his fifth floor window of Banco Ambrosiano in Milan.50
On October 12, 1982, capitalizing on the fact few cardinals spoke out in favor of the Opus Dei Prelature, Cardinal Benelli of Florence called for its ratification by the College of Cardinals setting the date for November 1, 1982.51 As already pointed out, the sixty year old was in the midst of lining up votes against its ratification when he succumbed to a sudden ‘heart attack’ on October 26, 1982.52 The Prelature was ratified by the College on November 28, 1982.53
By a remarkable coincidence, while the courts were in the midst of unraveling the mystery of the scandal the only persons still alive who had been involved in the scandal transactions occupied the four most powerful positions in the Roman Catholic world.54
All others, both inside and outside the Vatican, who could have known of the scandal transactions were dead.
By province of a more remarkable coincidence three of these had met in Genoa midway through the 33-day Pope’s papacy—as we have said not necessary to conspiracy as such a matter could have been handled by phone or emissaries.
Yet, by province of even a more far reaching coincidence, two of these were ‘sound asleep’ in the Papal Palace the night of September 28, 1978 when John Paul I met his Maker.
On the heels of court proceedings, in July 1984, John Paul II paid European investors $241 million through the Italian courts.55
1 TIME ‘What if Communists Win a Role?’ 26 Apr 76
2 The Patrimony of the Holy See Catholic Encyclopedia or Wikipedia
3 The IOR or the so-called Vatican Bank, Catholic Encyclopedia 2nd edition or Wikipedia
4 Incumbents, descriptions and interrelationships of Vatican positions are taken from the Catholic Encyclopedia2nd Edition. Wikipedia is fairly accurate as it is sourced from the Encyclopedia
5 L’Osservatore 19 Oct 69 La Stampa 23 Dec 69
6 Il Gazzettino 17 Aug 71 The decree of ‘control’ never disclosed. Third parties were involved
7 Washington Post 22 Feb 75
8 La Repubblica 17 Oct 75
9 Washington Post 15 Sep 78
10 TIME-EUROPE Oct 82
11 TIME Europe 82-84
12 Malopolska Silesia 7 Sep 78
13 L Osservatore Romano 24 Sep 78
14 L Osservatore Romano 19 Oct 78
15 It is not unusual for a pope to change the authority of a Curia post. E.g. in 2002 Joseph Ratzinger became Dean of the College of Cardinals and was elevated above the Secretary of State. The Dean of the College under Paul VI had been an honorary position assigned to the oldest cardinal.
16 TIME-EUROPE 82-84
17 NY Times 10 Mar 79 ‘Jean Villot’
18 NY Times 16 Oct 05 ‘Giuseppe Caprio’
19 L Osservatore Romano 30 Apr 79 - La Repubblica 1 May 79
20 TIME-EUROPE 82-84
21 La Repubblica 17 Jun 79
22 L Osservatore Romano 1 Jul 79 La Repubblica 3 Jul 79
23 NY Times 20 Jul 79
24 NY Times 29 Sep 79
25 La Repubblica 14 Oct 79
26 Wall Street Journal 27 Apr 87
27 NY Times 30 Dec 80 See Catholic Encyclopedia Second Edition for cause of death
28 L Osservatore Romano 31 Jan 81
29 La Repubblica 19 Mar 81
30 La Repubblica 25 May 82
31 L Osservatore Romano27 Sep 81
32 L Osservatore Romano26 Nov 81
33 There are a number of toxins which concealed in food or drink can induce ‘heart attack’ in a healthy person. See Deadly Doses Serita Stevens or Internet or library medical dictionaries.
34 The Catholic Encyclopedia, official record of the Church, records Felici’s death as “sudden and unexplained.” Methothianate mixed with a bit of alcohol results in a fatal brain hemorrhage about a half-hour after ingested—the time that had elapsed after drinking the wine in the consecration of the Mass. Canon law decrees sacramental wine must be alcoholic, a priest cannot substitute grape juice.
35 Composite of NY Times, Washington Post, The Times-London, La Repubblica 27 Oct 82
36 La Repubblica 30 Apr 82
37 TIME-EUROPE 82-84
38 L Osservatore Romano La Repubblica NY Times Washington Post The Times 8 Jun 82
39 United States Supreme Court incumbents – see chapter The Murder of Aldo Moro
40 L Osservatore Romano La Repubblica NY Times Washington Post The Times 8 Jun 82
41 Wikipedia ‘Alexander Haig’ & see chapter The Murder of Aldo Moro
42 Wikipedia & biographies of Licio Gelli
43 Wikipedia & biographies of William J. Casey. Also, see Iran-Contra Affair
44 Wikipedia & biographies of William P. Clark
45 NY Times 19 Jun 82
46 La Repubblica 24 Jun 82
47 La Repubblica 7 Aug 82
48 TIME-EUROPE 82-84
49 L Osservatore Romano 24 Aug 82 The official date of the Prelature is 28 Nov82 when the College ratified it. But, the legal date remains 5 Aug 82 the day John Paul II authorized it.
50 La Repubblica 3 Oct 82
51 La Repubblica 13 Oct 82
52 NY Times 27 Oct 82
53 NY Times 29 Nov 82
54 There were other rank and file personnel who were aware of the transactions but, as we will prove in the following chapter, they were not aware of their end purpose.
55 TIME-EUROPE 82-84
Chapter 35
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br /> The Vatican-Contra Affair
How is it possible the same constituency of cardinals elected a liberal in one election and just a few weeks later elected a conservative?
Nothing better demonstrates how the CIA functions independent of the president and congress than was its role in the Contra war.
Italian courts investigating the bank scandal determined that after President Carter cut off aid to the ruling juntas in Central America, the CIA began filtering money to the Contras through Ambrosiano. 1
Another Italian court investigating the bank scandal disclosed the CIA circumvented presidential order when it funneled millions to the Contras after Carter cut off military assistance to the ruthless dictator Somoza for human rights violations in 1978.2
Still another tribunal investigating the scandal disclosed the CIA circumvented presidential order when it moved arms and money to General Romeo Garcia in Guatemala and Paz Garcia in Honduras after Carter cut off support to these ruling regimes.3
Conversely, presidents have often used the CIA as a vehicle to bypass congressional denial of funding of causes a president sees fit.
As world opinion turned against American intervention in Central America in the eighties, congress began to limit aid to the Contras in the war-torn countries of Nicaragua, Honduras, El Salvador and Guatemala and in December 1982 cut it off completely.
This set the stage for the Iran-Contra Affair in which Reagan bypassed the congressional freeze on aid to the Contras and directed the CIA to sell arms to Iran and transfer proceeds to the Contras to suppress the revolution of the poor in Central America. Reagan’s popularity and advancing age saved him from impeachment. When questioned about the affair, he told Congress, “I don’t remember.”4
What happened to the $1.3 billion?
We have already set forth the supposition the $1.3 billion went to support the Contras in their suppression of the revolution of the poor. Now we will prove it. But, first we must dispel the rumors.
We have established those both within and outside the Church who were involved in the Vatican bank scandal. Yet, the scandal involved much more than individuals. It involved a conspiracy of nations—the United States and the Vatican in their war against communism—revolution of the poor. One can see this clearly when one considers what happened to the $1.3 billion.
Rumors the $1.3 billion went to fill the pockets of the civil principals involved are unfounded. That the money went to Polish Solidarity is inconsistent with the time of the bank scandal. That the money went to buy votes of third world cardinals—who voted for a liberal in the first conclave and voted for a conservative in the second conclave of 1978—is a weak guess at best. That the money went to the Contras to suppress the revolution of the poor in Central America is the only one that seems to make sense.
Yet, because the Italian courts were unable to determine what happened to the money these remain suppositions today. Yet, let’s take them, one by one, to see if any of the others make sense.
Personal motive: Andreotti-Calvi-Gelli-Portillo-Sindona
Some contend Sindona was involved in the bank scandal. Though he may have established the offshore Vatican banking mechanisms which made possible the scandal transactions, by the time the first deal took place in 1979 he was imprisoned by United States courts for unrelated bank fraud. A year later he was extradited to Italy and convicted of murder. He was poisoned while in prison in 1986.5
One might conclude Andreotti, Calvi, Gelli and Portillo were in it for the money. After all, these men formed a coalition dedicated to maintaining a rich and poor society in Europe and Latin America.
The P2-Opus Dei-Ambrosiano coalition was not only a wealthy financial organization, it was a powerful political force, as the courts have proved, suppressing revolution of the workers—communism—in Italy and revolution of the poor—communism—in Latin America.
To the extent these men had been footing the bill to suppress the revolution of the poor in Central America in the 1970s, it makes sense they would benefit if the tab were to be picked up by investors.
Regardless, one must keep in mind these were not necessarily bad men. It depends on which side of the aisle one is on. Like their allies in the Roman Catholic Church—John Paul II, Agostino Casaroli and Giuseppe Caprio—they were champions of their side of the aisle.
They were champions in protecting the sacred canon upon which the Church had been founded—some people are better than others and are entitled to more. They were champions in preserving the secular canon upon which the United States had been founded—accumulation of vast wealth by some while others starve to death because they have nothing. They had dedicated their lives to destroying the threatening ideology of communism—all of God’s wealth is to be divided equally among all of His children.
An American caught up in a revolution
I know, because at the time, I was one of them.
At the time of the bank scandal and the revolution of the poor in Central America, I was a financial officer of the world’s largest packaging corporation which had vast amounts of money tied up in these war-ravaged countries. Though a devoted admirer of this man I had met in Vittorio Veneto and of his mentor Paul VI, for at least this time in my life, I was on the other side of the fence.
Paul’s doctrine Liberation Theology had ignited the revolution of the poor in these tiny counties which had all but destroyed their economies. Yet, Central America remained an important market for my company’s products. Whereas one had no problem getting one’s products into these countries, the problem came when one tried to get one’s money out. I was faced by the same banking restrictions which had been faced by those handling the scandal transactions and dealing with the same banks at the same time.
In one case, I had several million dollars tied up in a Rothschild bank in Panama. Restricted by its central bank, I was looking at upwards of a year before I would get my hands on it. Influenced by the IOR, I executed a guarantee on behalf of my ‘Fortune 100’ conglomerate to Rothschild and it paid me the cash up front.
My company’s treasurer motioned for my dismissal—I had usurped what he considered his exclusive authority. My secretary saved me. She researched the company’s charter which held any corporate officer could execute a guarantee. I was off the hook
Regardless, as the revolution of the poor in Central America began to take hold after Jimmy Carter became president and cut off aid to the incumbent juntas, members of the ruling families in the war zone of Honduras, Nicaragua, Guatemala and El Salvador sought refuge in Costa Rica, Panama and the United States.
I recall meeting with the owner of a large company in El Salvador in a Miami hi-rise. Two guards with automatic weapons flanked its entrance. Another accompanied me on the elevator which opened directly into a penthouse apartment. The man was on life support transferred along with him from a hospital the day before where bullets had been extracted from his stomach.
I recall my morning joggings on the grounds of my San Jose hotel accompanied by an armed guard. I had chosen Costa Rica as a base of operations because it bordered the distressed countries, yet, had a mystique of relative safety about it. Also, much of my company’s money was tied up in the central banks of Costa Rica and Panama—which countries restricted money intended to leave those countries during the economic uncertainty brought on by the revolution taking place just beyond their borders.
Regardless, it was this experience—a year later when the bank scandal broke in the press—I questioned why Ambrosiano would have deposited the money in banks of ghost affiliates in Panama City if it had intended it to ever leave Central America.
It made sense to me that it established a branch in Lima after its assets had been frozen in Nicaragua upon the overthrow of Somoza. Yet, it made no sense when the Lima Ambrosiano branch deposited the money in the Vatican bank which, in turn, transferred it back to Panama which money flow was restricted by its central bank.
From Lima, it could have transferred the money to an
y bank in the world. If it sought a safe haven from foreign interests its Nassau branch would have been the perfect choice.
Why transfer it back to Central America where central banks, from time to time, would freeze or delay the flow of funds out of the region for periods up to a year. The only reason would be the money was never intended to leave Central America.
I was reminded of Marcinkus’ reply to my question where the $1.3 billion had gone? “You don’t run money through war-ravaged parts of the world unless you intend it remain there.”
Peaceful demonstrations
Although relatively safe in Costa Rica, I was reminded there was no such thing as safety in Central America when three bullets took down an associate in a drive-by shooting as we walked into the Playboy Club one evening in downtown San Jose. Then there was the time I ignored warnings not to go into El Salvador.
The Lear Jet taxied onto the runway to security rarely afforded presidents—a dozen guards in full military gear with automatic weapons. The trip to the plant—the road lined with armed guards I could see and many more, I guessed, I could not see—the driver on the radio, in ongoing dialogue with roadside guards, making a half-dozen detours en route to avoid ambush.
The giant plant loomed up out of the forest more like an ancient fortress rather than the state-of-the-art manufacturing facility it was. Yet, its turrets did not hold medieval men with bows and arrows, but many more guards with machine guns.
I wondered why Paul and John Paul had not followed the model of Gandhi’s peaceful demonstrations which had been so successful in India. This had also worked for them in Italy where free elections had given rise to communism in the polls.
I was puzzled why they would cast these tiny countries into havoc and revolution which over the years would cost thousands of lives when one had the option of peaceful protest.
I got the answer on my first evening in El Salvador as I enjoyed a hundred-dollar-a-plate dinner in an upscale restaurant with my Salvadorian hosts. When we were about to leave, the waiter showed up with bags containing what we had left on our plates. I motioned him, ‘No.’ He tucked one into my hand anyway.
Murder in the Vatican Page 45
