15 Cheyne (1733), pp.330–1, 337–8. He suffered another crash into suicidal depression in the early 1720s – no doubt exacerbated by the bursting of the South Sea Bubble, the mother of all boom-and-bust insider-dealing scandals, on which Cheyne lost his investments – but his recovery became just another opportunity to confirm the therapeutic powers of the vegetable diet. Cheyne to Lord Harley 1720 (copy) BL Add.4291 f.237; cf. Shuttleton (1992), pp.25–6, 134, 155, 216; Guerrini (2000), p.106.
16 Towers (1766–72), VII.182; Biographical Dictionary (1767), p.95; Hutchinson (1799), pp.197–8; Jones, Stephen (1799), ‘Cheyne’ [n.p.]; Biographical Dictionary (1795), III.249; Vosgien (1799–1801), ‘Cheyne’ (contains gross errors); GM (March 1735), Vol.V. p.123; GM (April 1743) Vol.XIII, p.218.
17 Cheyne (1943), p.127.
18 Cheyne (1733), pp.364, 370. The phrase ‘casual Hints’ – God’s means of directing Cheyne’s path – refers to the clergyman’s ‘Hint accidentally dropt’ which led him to Dr Taylor and the milk diet.
19 Cheyne (1733), p.370; cf. Cheyne (1943), pp.76–8; Cheyne (1715 [1716]), II.112. Compare also Tryon’s reverence for the colour white in milk among other things e.g. Tryon (1700), p.18. Another layer of meaning to the ‘light diet’: Cheyne explained that God was the ‘Sole Object’ of a soul’s desire, punning on ‘soul’, ‘sole’ and ‘Sol’, the Latin for ‘Sun’ which, as the centre of gravity, was analogous to God attracting souls to Him, a process Cheyne believed was facilitated by the ‘light diet’ (see below).
20 Cheyne (1990), p.xxxi; Guerrini (2000), ‘Bibliography’.
21 Wild (2001); Shuttleton (1992), pp.125–9; Guerrini (2000), pp.80, 89, 95; Wood (1769), pp.286–7; Rousseau, G.S. (1988); Shuttleton (1999a), p.59; Coveney (2000), pp.16, 62, 66–7, 89.
22 Shuttleton (1992), p.152.
23 Shuttleton (1995); Cattaneo (1987), p.131n.; Barry (1985), pp.166–7+n.
24 Cheyne (1943), p.116.
25 Robertson (1752?), pp.271–4, 241–7; cf. p.63; Bath Miscellany for the Year 1740 (London, 1741), p.67; Poetical Epitome (London, 1792), p.355; Compleat Family-piece, 3rd edn (London, 1741), p.7; Bradshaw (1754), pp.92–3; Smith (1753), pp.354–5; Family Guide to Health (London, 1767), p.218; Ryland (1776), p.349; Atkyns, ed. (1747), p.xiii, II.15, 57, 91, 109; Reid (1798), pp.273–5.
26 Anon. (1724); cit. Guerrini (2000), p.129.
27 Grub Street Journal 86 (26 August 1731); cit. Shuttleton (1992), p.184+n.
28 Goldsmith (1996), III.364.
29 Armstrong, J. (1992); Strother (1925); Shapin (2003), p.273.
30 Shuttleton (1992), pp.151–2, 194, 217–18.
31 Arbuthnot (1731), ‘Preface’ and pp.100–2; Cheyne (1733), pp.149–50. Arbuthnot thought that the alkaline qualities of meat and the acid of vegetables could be used to keep each person’s different constitutions in balance.
32 Morgan (1725), p.432; Morgan (1735), pp.73–4, 90–2, 101–4, 116; Maty (1755), pp.47–8; Mead (1751), pp.157–9, 170, 178; Richard Mead, ‘On the Scurvy’, in Sutton (1749), pp.112–13, 116; Mead (1762), II.476; Cheyne (1990), pp.ix–x; Wynter (1725), pp.xv–xvi, 4–5, 30, 42, 47–58, 86, 99; London Magazine 26 (1757), p.510; Graves (1766); Graves (1996), II.19, 77; Falconer (1781), pp.231–2; Apperley (1731), pp.142, 192; Arbuthnot (1733), p.211; Arbuthnot (1732), p.429; Barry (1759), p.92.
33 Cheyne (1733), pp.34, 49–50; Cheyne (1724), p.28; Cheyne (1943), p.58; Guerrini (2000), pp.107–14.
34 Cheyne (1943), pp.78–81, 86–8; cf. [Hecquet] (1733), I.29–33; Tryon (1691a), p.314; [Tryon] (1685), pp.39–40; [Tryon] (1684c), pp.121–2. For other provocatively radical comments cf. e.g. Cheyne (1724), pp.30–1, 39, 192, 222; Cheyne (1740), pp.65–7; Cheyne (1943), pp.74–5, 76–8; cp. Cheyne (1990), p.xxxi.
35 Cheyne (1733), p.368. Cheyne largely avoided the Brahmin connotations of the vegetable diet, though he often spoke of the frugality of the Southerns and Easterns and once called the vegetable diet ‘Eastern’ (Cheyne (1943), p.121).
36 [Tryon, Cheyne et al.], The Way to Health and Long life (London: G. Conyers, 1726), p.53. George Conyers had published a number of Tryon’s works, and it was Conyers, probably, who masterminded this popular health manual which cromprises an amalgamation of extracts from Cheyne and Tryon (including the spoof Averroeana). The extracts from Tryon are not attributed, but they illustrate the extent to which the mystical Indian and medical vegetarian discourses had merged. Tryon’s books are, however, advertised in the text, revealing that his works were still readily available in the 1720s. Compare e.g. p.5 with Tryon (1688), pp.64–5; pp.9–10 and 24ff. with Tryon (1691a), chs 3 and 4, especially pp.59–60; p.24 with Cheyne (1724), pp.91–5; pp.53–6, 65 with Tryon (1695a), pp.6–22, 39–40, 57–8.
37 cf. e.g. Atkyns (1747), p.109; Oswald (1791), pp.17–18+n. (pp.95–6); Nicholson (1999), pp.44–5; Ritson (1802), pp.49–50.
38 Anon. (1726); cit. Shuttleton (1992), pp.169–70.
39 Cheyne (1733), p.iii; cf. Cheyne (1740), p.xiii.
40 Willis (1683), pp.2–4, 23; Rousseau, G.S. (1976). Whytt (1755), p.168n.; Locke (1690), II.i.1–4, I.i.15; cf. Lawrence (1979), p.24; Wright (1991), pp.243–57.
41 [Cheyne] (1701), pp.9, 11, 12–14, 16, 35, 80–1; Cheyne (1705), II.212–13; Cheyne (1715 [1716]), I.303–6, 316–17; Bellini (1696); Bellini (1720); Shuttleton (1992), pp.139, 141.
42 Cheyne (1738), pp.91–5; Cheyne (1724), p.78; Cheyne (1733), pp.77–89; cf. Bellini (1696), pp.229, 236; Newton (1713), p.484; Guerrini (1993b), pp.244, 248; Guerrini (1985), pp.260, 265; Guerrini (2000), pp.124, 133–4, 146–7, 170–1; Dussinger (1974), p.28; cp. Boerhaave (1742–6b), III.310–11ff.
43 Cheyne (1720), pp.78–80; Cheyne (1724), pp.27, 98, 177; cf. Spang (2000), p.35+n.
44 Cheyne (1733), p.325; Cheyne (1943), p.94; cf. pp.86–8; cf. Whytt (1755), p.190.
45 Goldsmith (1966), IV.29; cit. Rousseau, G.S. (1976), pp.156; cf. e.g. Radcliffe (1980), p.79–80.
46 Austen (1997a); cf. Radcliffe (1993), p.4+n.
47 Cheyne (1724), p.163. On Cheyne’s reading of, and perhaps contribution to, Newton’s De Natura Acidorum and additions to Opticks, cf. e.g. Shuttleton (1992), pp.32–3; Guerrini (2000), pp.38–9, 120, 133–4; Guerrini (1993b), p.236; Guerrini (1987), p.74; Guerrini (1989b), p.240.
48 Cheyne (1740), pp.56–60; Geoffroy (1732), p.217; Cheyne (1742), p.54; cf. Ritson (1802), pp.62–3; Cheyne (1724), pp.20–1, 184; Cheyne (1705), ii.163–4; Cheyne (1715 [1716]), p.255; Michele Pinelli, ‘Concerning the Causes of the Gout’, tr. Joh. James Scheutzer, PT, no.403, Vol.XXXV, pp.490–4; cit. Cheyne (1733), pp.39–42 (incorrectly writing no.433 instead of no.403).
49 Cheyne (1724), p.21; cf. Morgan (1725), pp.411–12; Gu[g]lielmini (1719), I.67–104, II.73–200, espec. I.77–9, 93, 99; II.39, 87, 91, 166, 173, 174, 179; cit. Cheyne (1733), pp.38–42; cf. also Cheyne (1705), ii.145–7; Cheyne (1715 [1716]), p.255; cf. Webster (1982), p.6.
50 Cheyne (1733), pp.118–23.
51 Cheyne (1733), pp.118–23; cf. Guerrini (2000), p.67; cp. Willis (1683), p.108.
52 Cheyne (1733), pp.6–9, 15–17; cf. Cheyne (1724), pp.19–20, 25, 177–85; Cheyne (1943), pp.75–6. Elsewhere Cheyne had stated that flesh particles were larger. cf. [Hecquet] (1709), p.25.
53 Cheyne (1724), pp.177–85; Cheyne (1943), pp.90–1.
54 Rifkin (1992), p.54; cit. Regan (2001), pp.8–10; Drummond and Wilbraham (1939), pp.245–61.
55 The medical dietary tracts of previous generations had actually warned that drinking water (rather than ale) was dangerous: Venner (1660), pp.31–2.
56 Cheyne (1733), p.170; Cheyne (1724), p.180; Cheyne (1740), pp.56–60.
57 [Cheyne] (1701), pp.106–7; Cheyne (1733), pp.128–37.
58 Cheyne (1740), p.78.
59 Harvey (1672?), pp.132–8, 210; Cheyne (1990), p.xxxvi; cf. Reynolds (1725), pp.52–3.
60 Willis (1683), pp.107–8, 115, 135, 144, 160, 174, 189, 204, 207, 224, 233; Willis (1681), III.6; cf. Tryon (1700), p.34.
61 Floyer & Baynard (1715)
, pp.74–5, 418; cf. [Baynard] (1724), pp.11, 19–20, 35; Cheyne (1733), pp.340–1; cf. pp.307–11; PT (1716), pp.306–9. For Baynard’s reading on vegetarianism, cf. A catalogue of the Libraries of Edward Baynard ([London], 1721), pp.2, 10, 13, 18, 19, 33, 35. For recommendations Cheyne shared with Fuller: Fuller (1711), sig.[A4v–A7r], [B7v–B8r], pp.243–55 (compare Cheyne (1733), pp.325–7). cf. Temple (1701), p.189.
62 Boyse (1747–8), I.413; cf. e.g. Wynter (1725), pp.50–3; Sinclair (1807), II.i.169–70; Barker (1747), pp.87–9, 94–5, 158, 171, 193, 236–9; Cocchi (1745), p.27; Cheyne (1943), p.136; Shuttleton (1992), pp.134–5.
63 Cheyne blamed the decline of ancient dietary medicine on the followers of Paracelsus (1493–1541) and Jan Baptista van Helmont who vaunted (al)chemical panaceas and elixirs in preference to, as one chemist put it, ‘submitting to Dr. Boerhaave’s milk-diet’ (Ellis, W. (1752), ‘Diseases and Medicines’). Cheyne’s conspiratorial allegations were, however, somewhat unjust since Paracelsus had recommended dietary moderation, and Helmont agreed with Hippocrates that the sick should abstain from flesh, fish and eggs. Cheyne (1733), p.154; Cheyne (1740), pp.x–xi; cf. Cheyne (1943), pp.47, 96–8; [Hecquet] (1733), I.470; [Hecquet] (1733), ‘Barfeknecht, An quos morbos’; Vaughan, W. (1630), pp.2, 9, 44–5, 53; Boerhaave (1742–6b), VI.271–5, 297–9; Tryon (1691a), p.71; Paracelsus (1656), ‘A Treatise concerning long Life’, pp.371, 393, 397, 406; Pagel (1982), pp.115–16; Helmont, J.B. (1664), ch. 58, pp.450–4; ch. 99, p.702; index ‘Flesh to be shun’d’; Barker (1747), p.171; cf. Buhr (1780), Thesis no.9; Lilly (1681), p.2; Culpeper (1649), p.71; Culpeper (1656), sig.A2r, p.20.
64 Cheyne (1740), pp.xiii–xvi; Cheyne (1724), p.36; Cheyne (1733), p.iii; Shapin (2003), pp.273, 283–5; cf. Pitcairne (1715), p.106; cp. Shuttleton (1992), pp.166–7.
65 Silvanus Bevan to Cheyne 3 July 1733, with notes by Bevan; Cheyne to Bevan 1736 (Colchester, Essex Record Office: D/DU 161/369–370). The notebook catalogued as ‘Medical Notes on Fevers c. 1725, by Cheyne or one of his followers’ is almost certainly not Cheyne’s (D/ DU 161/371, 2 vols.). This Silvanus Bevan (b.1698/9) should not be confused with the Quaker apothecary Silvanus Bevan FRS (1691–1765).
66 Wesley (1931), II.285–6; cit. Shuttleton (1995), n.11.
67 Galen, De Methodus Medendi, Bk V, ch. 12; James (1741), pp.6–7.
68 [Vaughan, W.] (1633), p.41; cp. Wynter (1725), pp.58–61; cf. p.114 ff. Harvey (1672?), pp.232–7; Harvey (1675), pp.257–8; Boerhaave (1739), p.1; Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh, Cullen Mss, #30 ‘Dr William Cullen’s Consultation Letters’, 21 vols; vol.2 (1764–70), letter 30, ff.32r–v. cf. e.g. Hecquet (1990); Weltzien (1789), Thesis no.8 (p.43). See also Maginus (1670); Jacobi (1675); Isez (1741); cf. also Accoramboni (1726); Costaeus (1604); Baricellus (1623); Ronconius (1631); Castro (1631); Trevus (1634); Heyden (1653); Pallierius (1663); Bayle, F. (1670); Hugot (1678); Greisel (1681); Buehren (1691); Winge (1696); Lange (1705); Francis Slare in Dole (1707); Guglielmini (1709); Ledel (1713); Buettner (1727); Beer (1735); Doorschodt (1737); Roerer (1739); Gourraigne (1741); Kindler (1742); Fischer (1745?); Laurentius (1749); Hird (1751); Claudinius (n.d.); Fabra (n.d.); Testi (n.d.a); Testi (n.d.b); Quintilius (n.d.). Kleinian psychoanalysts would no doubt be interested in Cheyne’s claim that milk returned people to childlike innocence, Cheyne (1943), p.101.
69 Sydenham (1722), pp.324, 365–6; cf. Boerhaave (1742–6b), VI.241. Willis, Harvey, Wynter, Mead, Arbuthnot and even Pitcairne agreed with Sydenham (and Celsus before him) that pure ‘milk and seed’ diets should be used with extreme caution; they allowed their patients at least a small portion of flesh: Willis (1683), pp.115, 135, 144, 160, 189, 197, 207, 224, 233; Wynter (1725), pp.54–8, 99; Mead (1751), pp.157–9; Mead (1762), II.476; Harvey (1672?), pp.236–7; Sydenham (1722), pp.364, 374–5; [Hecquet] (1733), II.197. Others, such as the Indophile Sir William Temple, retorted that such trepidation was totally unnecessary: [Temple] (1680), pp.221, 229–30, 232–3; Temple (1701), pp.112–15; Temple (1690), pp.15–16, 18–23; Cheyne (1724), p.47; cf. Shuttleton (1992), pp.134–5, 166–7; Boerhaave (1742–6b), VI.241. When Cheyne promoted his own milk and vegetable diet, he repeated Sydenham’s warnings verbatim: Cheyne (1720), pp.13–15; Cheyne (1733), pp.234–6. Elsewhere, Cheyne exaggerated Sydenham’s enthusiasm for the milk diet (Cheyne (1733), pp.335–7).
70 Cheyne (1733), pp.164–5; Cheyne (1943), pp.74–5, 78–9, 82–4, 86–8. Old Parr was the prime illustration of this warning: he was said to have been a Pythagorean vegetarian until brought to court where his diet changed and he quickly died (Newton, J.F. (1897), pp.56–7); cf. Floyer & Baynard (1715), pp.408–9; Cheyne (1733), p.136; cf. [Hecquet] (1733), I.119–20; Jenner (1998).
71 Cheyne (1940), pp.52–3; Shapin (2003), pp.285–6; Shuttleton (1995), pp.323–4; cf. Shuttleton (1992), pp.217–18. Cheyne (1733), pp.253–4; cp. Cheyne (1738), pp.102–4.
72 cf. Ponsonby (1949), pp.158, 162–3.
73 More, Lucy (2000), pp.10, 20, 36, 42, 195.
74 Ponsonby (1949), p.48; Cheyne (1990), pp.x–xi.
75 More, Lucy (2000), p.10n.; cf. p.21.
76 Cheyne (1740), pp. 18–19, 61, 64–5.
77 Cheyne (1943), p.94; Thomas, K. (1983), p.175ff.; Turner (1980), pp.6–7; cf. Whytt (1765), pp.219–20; Whytt (1775), p.163; (compare e.g. Radcliffe (1980), p.109); Richardson (1754), III.374.
78 Willis (1681), II.61, 183, 186–7 and plates; Willis (1683), pp.13–14, 17, 20–3, 44. On the vivisection issue, cf. e.g. Whytt (1755), pp.108–9; Thomas, K. (1983), p.174, 178; Shugg (1968a); Guerrini (1989a).
79 Mandeville (1924), I.173–81.
80 Malebranche (1694), Bk II, ch.vii, pp.56–8.
81 Cheyne (1724), pp.91–4; Cheyne (1740), p.xvi. cf. Lawrence (1979), pp.24–5; Rodgers (1986); Shuttleton (1996), pp.51–2; Smith, A. (1759), Part III, ch.iii. Rousseau, G.S. (1988), p.83. Some have argued that it was Arbnuthnot that Hume consulted.
82 Cheyne (1740), pp.70–1; cf. pp.64–5, 70–1, 85. ‘Custom’ and ‘habit’ – seen as the unreflective aspects of human culture – were regularly blamed for making men go against their ‘nature’ (in this case, their herbivorous nature); cf. Ovid, Metamorphoses, Bk XV; Mandeville (1924), I.173; Cheyne (1733), pp.39–42; Cheyne (1943), pp.57, 71; [Hecquet] (1709), pp.6–7; Tryon also repeatedly blamed custom and habit.
83 Cheyne (1736), sig.[Aa5r]; Cheyne (1715 [1716]), II.45–6, 74, 78, 85–93, 98, 113–15; Cheyne (1724), pp.149–50; Cheyne (1733), pp.291–3, 325–7.
84 Cheyne (1724), pp.92–3; cf. [Tryon] ([1684c]), p.120; [Tryon, Cheyne, et al.] (1726), p.24; The Family Magazine: in two parts (London, 1747), p.109; Oswald (1791), pp.95–6.
85 Cheyne (1740), p.xvi; cf. pp.6–10, 23–6, 54–5, 61; Cheyne (1733), p.364; cf. Tertullian (2004b), ch.4: ‘the primordial sin might be the more expiated by the operation of a greater abstinence in the (midst of the) opportunity of a greater licence.’ Cheyne conceded that human bodies had been altered to deal with meat (Cheyne, ER (1740), p.53). cf. Almond (1999), p.23.
86 Cheyne (1740), pp.xiii–xv; Cheyne (1943), pp.102–4.
87 Shuttleton (1992), pp.151–2; cf. Cheyne (1943), pp.99–100.
88 Cheyne (1733), pp.366–7; cf. Shuttleton (1992), p.179; Cheyne (1943), pp.84–5, 110–11, 117, 94, 86–8.
89 Cheyne (1733), p.298. Cheyne later softened this a little: Cheyne (1740), p.76.
90 cf. e.g. Cheyne (1740), pp.88–9; Cheyne (1724), pp.159–60; Cheyne (1733), pp.20–1, 368; cf. e.g. Tryon (1691a), p.314.
91 Cheyne (1733), pp.325–7. On the unconscious convulsions of natural conscience cf. e.g. Tryon (1700), pp.22–4, 82.
92 Cheyne (1740), pp.18–19, 26, 31; cf. Cheyne (1705), II.229–30; Kurth-Voigt (1999), p.28.
93 Cheyne (1740), pp.2, 31; Cheyne (1705), II.232–3; Leeuwenhoek (1695), I.42; Leeuwenhoek (1722), II.168; cf. Leeuwenhoek (1798), I.118–19, Plate V, fig.3, II.181.
94 For a related idea of comets, see Spy, IV.251–2; cf. Schechner (1999), pp.183–4, 193–4.
95 Che
yne (1740), pp.32–4; cf. pp.41–9; Cheyne (1943), p.101; Shuttleton (1992), pp.120–3, 234.
96 Cheyne (1740), pp.26, 83–4; Cheyne (1943), p.101; cf. pp.40–1; Cheyne (1715 [1716]), II.74–5, 209–10; Dussinger (1974), p.116.
97 Cheyne (1740), pp.26, 69, 86–7; cf. Romans 8:4–22. Compare Joseph Glanvill’s position in ch. 6 above.
98 Cheyne (1740), pp.64–5, 69–70; St Augustine (2005), Bk VI.6; Ramsay (1727), II.ii.2–5; cf. Blount (1680?), pp.24–5; Manu (1971), v.40; Tull (1996). For Cheyne’s possible exposure to the ideas of F.M. van Helmont, cf. e.g. Shuttleton (1992), p.289.
99 Cheyne (1705), II.150–1; cf. II.26–9, 46, 108–10, 120–2, 199, 208–9; Cheyne (1715), I.290–1, II.89–90; cf. e.g. Cheyne (1740), pp.105–7; Cheyne (1715 [1716]), pp.244–6 and pp.209–10 where Cheyne again applies the multiple world theory to the system of rewards and punishments; cf. Cheyne (1736), sig.[Aa5v], pp.209–10.
100 Cheyne (1740), pp.6–10; Cheyne (1705), II.229–32; Cheyne (1715 [1716]), I.321–3, II.130; Cheyne (1733), pp.86–7; Leibniz (1985), § 72–4, 82; Leibniz (2001), § 11 [p.189]; Leibniz (1686), ch. 34. For Leibniz, Helmont and the Kabbalah, see Coudert (1995); Coudert (1999), pp.320–1, 328–9; Coudert et al., eds (1998); Coudert (1997); Brown, S. (1997), pp.97–9, 113–14.
101 Extra-terrestrial life: Cheyne (1705), II.110; McColley (1936), pp.386–8, 406–9, 416, 422–4, 428–9, see espec. Molyneux (1709), pp.278–9; Dick (1980), p.22; Cheyne had read most of the authors cited by Steven J. Dick, cf. e.g. Cheyne (1705), II.115–16, 177, 196; Cheyne (1715 [1716]), p.221. cf. also More, H. (1662), ‘Immortality’, p.123ff.; Kämper (1995), pp.127–8. Animal Souls: Ray (1717), pp.20ff., 53–7; Cheyne (1740), pp.6–10; cf. Marsay (1749), pp.27–8. Animal Heaven: Thomas, K. (1983), p.140; Shugg (1968b), pp.289–90; Wesley (1872), VI.241–52; Garrett, ed. (2000); Hildrop (1742–3), II.9–15, 42, 47, 77; Shuttleton (1992), pp.121–3, 208–9; Turner (1980), p.8; Almond (1999), pp.112–13.
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