3 Boerhaave (1742–6b), I.96–104. For the original Latin, which includes the interesting bibliographic references, see Boerhaave (1742–6a), I.54ff.
4 Boerhaave (1742–6b), I.96–7.
5 Boerhaave (1742–6b), I.101–2, 104, 224–5, 309; cp. I.257; Boerhaave (1735), II.205–9.
6 Boerhaave (1742–6b), I.96–101, 257, VI.246–7; Boerhaave (1742–6a), I.65–7; Boerhaave (1735), II.205; Boerhaave (1731), p.422.
7 Theophrastus (1916), I.312–15; Theophrastus (1644), pp.347–53. I have not deciphered Boerhaave’s reference ‘histor stirp.’ (‘the history of stems’?); his reference to p.337 may be intended to be Theophrastus (1644), p.347 (p.337 is mispaginated as p.343). Porphyry claimed that Theophrastus himself was a vegetarian (cf. Haussleiter (1935), pp.237–45). On the paradisiacal Ficus Indicus and its alternate identification with the Banian Tree and the banana, see Tavernier (1995), p.197+n.; Saint-Pierre (1997b), p.52; Lord (1630), p.58; Purchas (1626), p.17; Prest (1981), pp.78–81; Evelyn (2000), pp.418–19; Shoulson (2000), p.892.
8 Boerhaave was drawing on Tulpius (1672), pp.296–7.
9 cp. Boerhaave (1742–6b), VI.241. Boerhaave collected innumerable vegetarian sources; cf. Boerhaave (1742–6a), I.54, 63–9; Boerhaave (1719), pp.279–81; Sinclair (1807), II.i.168–9.
10 Boerhaave (1742–6b), I.101–2; Boerhaave (1962), II.352–7, III.37–9, 247, 251.
11 Haller (1754), I.iv–v.
12 Haller (1754), II.123; Drummond and Wilbraham (1939), pp.276–7.
13 Haller (1754), I.xxvi, xxxiv, xxxviii, II.340, 346, 360–1, 369, 423–4; Sinclair (1807), II.i.169–70; Newton, J.F. (1897), p.33.
14 Haller (1772), I.29, 34; Haller (1773), p.iii; Haller (1786), I.85–9, and see ch.18, pp.274–5 below.
15 Haller (1754), II.119–23; cf. Himsel (1751); Haller (1751), ch.22, p.373; cf. Brendel (1751); Haller (1786), I.v–vi, 85–9+n.
16 Haller (1751), pp.688–707.
17 Shuttleton (1992), p.47.
18 [Monro] (1744), pp.14–18; cf. Brückner pp.82–5; (1768), pp.61–2+n.
19 Monro (1783), pp.20–3; cf. Scull (2000), pp.14–15.
20 Brandt (c.1930); I have not been able to trace the source of Darwin’s comment.
21 Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh, Cullen Mss, #18 ‘Lectures on physiology’, 5 vols (c.1770), V.77–81; cf. V.73–5.
22 Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh, Cullen Mss, #30 ‘Dr William Cullen’s Consultation Letters’, 21 vols, vol.2 ([1764]–1770), second pagination sequence, pp.2–6; cf. first pagination sequence: ff.1r, 2v, 18r–19r, 25r–26r, 32r–v.
23 Cullen Mss, #30.
24 Cullen used abbreviations heavily, and I have expanded these to modern usage. Cullen Mss, #18, V.77–81; cf. V.73–5. Rosalie Stott says that Cullen thought meat was less easily digested. But Cullen says that meat’s putrescency aids its digestion (‘it is this putrescency yt converts it in to a State fit to be thrown out of ye Body’ (V.77–8)). Indeed, he thought that a little bit of meat could help the digestion of less putrescent vegetable food: ‘I suspect there is a peculiar fluid or menstruum [in the stomach] beginning putrefaction, & that power is freq[uent]ly too weak, so not able to Digest vegetable food, & therefore it requires ye Assistance of Animal food’ (V.81).
25 Cullen Mss, #18, I.78, 127; IV.55–7, 63, 135; V.9–10, 37, 45, 47, 74, 80–2; Cullen (1771), p.20; William Cullen, ‘The art of health’, unpublished Mss, Glasgow University, Cullen/Thomson Mss; William Cullen, ‘An essay on the hypochondriac disease’, unpublished Mss, Glasgow University, Cullen/Thomson Mss, e.g. pp.54, 74; quoted in Stott (1987).
26 Stott (1987).
27 Smith, A. (1776), I.200–2, 235, II.492; cf. I.122–3, Bigland (1816), pp.66–7. cf. also Tryon (1695b), p.63; Ritson (1802), pp.81, 192–5; Lambe (1805), p.36; Lambe (1815), p.220.
28 Fania Oz-Salzberger, ‘Ferguson, Adam (1723–1816)’, ODNB; ‘Joseph Black’, DNB; Allen, D. (2001), p.276n.; Doig (1982), pp.39–41; Cockburn (1856), pp.48–51; Ferguson & Playfair (1997), pp.85, 87, 93, 95, 103, 113–17; Black (1816), VII.230–5.
29 Sinclair (1807), I.430.
30 Stark (1788), pp.ix–xi, 92–3.
31 Franklin (1986), pp.17, 39–40, 52, 93, 244, 252, 259; Schwartz (2001); Morton (2002), pp.82–4; Barkas (1975), p.135; Brands (2002), pp.33, 40–1, 57, 76, 100, 624; Combe (1860), p.148; Franklin did occasionally return to the vegetable diet after the cod episode (Spencer (1993), p.232). In Philadelphia Franklin apparently knew the printer William Bradford (the son-in-law of Tryon’s publisher Andrew Sowle) and published works by Charles Woolverton who also produced for Bradford Sowle’s Upright Lives of the Heathen (Upright Lives [1740]).
32 Ramsay (1966), p.xx.
33 Ramsay (1966), p.xxi; cf. Fuller (1711), sig.[A6v–A7r].
34 Ramsay (1966), pp.204–5, 237; cf. pp.163, 194, 212, 216–17, 274–5.
35 Ramsay (1966), pp.204–5, 207; Sinclair (1802), p.4; Sinclair (1807), I.377–8, 396, 400–1, 422–30.
36 Ramsay (1966), p.147.
37 Ramsay (1966), p.261; cf. pp.137, 237, 274–5.
38 Ramsay (1966), p.213.
39 Ramsay (1966), p.261; for Keir’s health cf. pp.xxii, 85, 87, 89, 292. Sinclair (1802), p.4; though Sinclair had also written that the diet of the studious ‘ought to consist chiefly of vegetables’ (Sinclair (1807), I.427–8).
40 Ramsay (1966), p.261; cf. p.23.
41 Ramsay (1966), p.184.
42 For Gregory in Ramsay’s letters, see Ramsay (1966), pp.49, 97–8.
43 Ramsay (1966), pp.204–5; cf. p.xxvi.
44 Ramsay (1966), pp.204, 287–8, 292; cf. Leask (2002), pp.205–18.
45 Graham (1813), p.63; cf. pp.24–5, 27; Graham (1814), p.276.
46 Graham (1813), p.15+n.; cf. p.viii; cit. Leask (2002), p.216; cf. Graham (1814), pp.282n., 371.
47 Hope (1780), pp.46–8, 180–3, 200, 339.
48 Ramsay (1888), II.327–35; cf. Ramsay (1996), I.v–viii.
49 Ramsay (1888), II.327–35; Allen, D. (2001), p.271.
50 Allen, D. (2001); [John Williamson], ‘A Just Complaint’, National Library of Scotland: Adv. Ms 23.6.3. The manuscript is entered in the printed copy of Catalogue of the Library of the Faculty of Advocates, 3 vols (Edinburgh, 1742–1807), III.459, which can be viewed online at ECCO.
51 Williamson, ‘Just Complaint’, f.7v.
52 Williamson, ‘Just Complaint’, f.1v, 6v; Allen, D. (2001), pp.286–7.
53 Williamson, ‘Just Complaint’, f.9r–v.
54 Allen, D. (2001), pp.278–9+n.; see ch. 16 above; [Tryon] ([1684b]), pp.217–18.
55 Williamson, ‘Just Complaint’, f.2r–v, 4r; Allen, D. (2001), pp.286–7; cf. ch.5 p.76–7 above. Allen’s article (Allen, D. (2001)) interprets Williamson’s providentialism as a manifestion of Scottish Calvinist evangelical Presbyterianism. A Calvinist background might have made Williamson more open to Tryon’s puritanical austerity, but Williamson’s Providence acts principally through the laws of nature; it is unmistakably Tryonist and is nearer to deism than Calvinism. Allen appears to believe John Ramsay’s testimony that Williamson believed in metempsychosis, even though Williamson says nothing about metempsychosis (he speaks of souls as rays of divinity (f.5r–v, 8r)). Allen cites Tryon’s Way to Health in a discussion of metempsychosis, though that work says nothing about metempsychosis either. Allen does not mention the fact that Williamson names Tryon (perhaps because Williamson, or the transcriber of his manuscript, misspelled him ‘Tyron’). Allen does not mention George Cheyne either, perhaps again because Williamson used the variant spelling ‘Chein’. Cheyne and Tryon provide the principal context for Williamson’s vegetarian providentialism. Allen also says that Williamson ‘reaches out unexpectedly to Stoicism’ by citing Arrian and Strabo; Williamson cites them because they were the principal authorities on the ancient Brahmins. Allen also says that Pope was vegetarian and Arbuthnot espoused vegetarianism, neither of which are true: the latter vigorously opposed Cheyne’s vegetarianis
m (see chs 13 and 16 above). Allen’s discussion is also hampered by regular misreading of the manuscript, especially his confusion of the letters ‘r’, ‘n’, and ‘m’; for example, reading Banians as ‘Barians’, Arianus as ‘Ariarrus’, Porphirius as ‘Porphinus’, Josephus as ‘Josephius’ etc. Allen says that Williamson’s nickname ‘Brachman’ was the term used to refer to all eighteenth-century vegetarians, whereas it was in fact rare; the label suited Williamson in particular because he openly revered the Brahmins. cf. also Ramsay (1727), II.i.6–7, II.ii.2–5, 42, 123–6, 127–31; Ramsay (1748), II.311–12, 323–5, [463–4].
56 Williamson, ‘Just Complaint’, f.6v. Allen, D. (2001), p.293.
57 Tryon (1697) [NLS, RB.s.381]; Allen mentioned the Tryon work with the Hopetoun bookplate, but did not reveal its location. Thanks to Graham Hogg at the NLS for help in identifying the contents of the Hopetoun Library. For Williamson’s method of acquiring vegetarian books, cf. Ramsay (1888), II.327–8. In addition to Tryon’s, Williamson could have found many works relating to vegetarianism in the Hopetoun House Library, notably those of Pythagoras, Plutarch, Ovid, Lessius, Floyer, Josephus and many ancient and modern accounts of India including A. and J. Churchill’s collection which he mentions; see for example Hopetoun House (1962), [Press No: Shelf No.] A:4, A:5, B:4, C:6, D:1, D:2, D:3, T:8; Hopetoun House (1889), p.32 (Item 510), p.74.
58 Williamson, ‘Just Complaint’, f.8v–10v; The Royal Magazine (J. Coote, London, August 1759), I.61–3; Crab, R. (1745). On Robert Cook see ch. 5 above.
59 Williamson, ‘Just Complaint’, f.7v–9r.
60 Harris (1705).
61 Williamson, ‘Just Complaint’, f.7r.
62 Williamson, ‘Just Complaint’, f.3v.
63 Williamson, ‘Just Complaint’, f.3v–4v; Allen, D. (2001), pp.276–7.
64 Williamson, ‘Just Complaint’, f.5v–6r; Stoneman (1991), pp.132–3; Tryon (1691a), p.369.
65 Williamson, ‘Just Complaint’, f.10r; Allen, D. (2001), p.286.
66 Tudge (2003), pp.145–6.
67 GM (August 1787).
68 Ramsay (1966), pp.25, 75, 147, 260–1; Ritson (1802), pp.195–8; Ritson correctly argued that Williamson did not believe in reincarnation.
69 Lovejoy (1933), p.275+n.
70 Pottle (1966), p.4; cf. pp.20, 33–5; Thomas, K. (1983), p.295.
71 Pottle (1966), p.26.
72 Thomas, K. (1983), pp.159–60.
73 Pottle (1966), p.133; Stone (1977), p.356.
74 Johnson, S. (1952), II.350, 375; cf. I.329, II.282, 306, 328, 338, 349, 344; cf. Johnson (1970), p.76; Ritson (1802), p.154.
75 Thomas, K. (1983), p.178.
76 Buffon (1753), IV.437–42; William King, Frances Hutcheson, Pufendorf, John Clarke all concurred with Buffon and Jenyns (see ch. 16 above).
77 Thomas, K. (1983), p.298.
78 Monboddo (1773–92), I.204–15, 223–4+n., 227–9, 251–60; Lovejoy (1933).
79 [Monboddo] (1797), pp.1–29, 34, 41; [Monboddo] (1795), pp.288–94. Oglethorpe actually only lived to 88 (1696–1785). Cloyd (1972), pp.60, 126–8, 169–70; Douthwaite (1997).
80 Cloyd (1972), pp.58–9.
81 Boswell (1799), ch.31, 1777.
82 Boswell (1786), pp.205–11, cf. pp.187–8, 230, 311, 326, 427; Johnson, S. (1952), I.344.
83 Boswell (1786), V.122.
CHAPTER 19
1 Lach (1971), I.439–40.
2 That Hindu asceticism exceeded Western asceticism was proverbial; see e.g. Yule, ed. (1915), III.260; cf. Teltscher (1995), pp.86–7; Lorenzen (1996).
3 Rubiés (2000), pp.5–10; Lach (1971), I.245, 250, 258–61, 278, 280, 292–9, 679–80; Milton (2002), pp.94–8.
4 Nobili (1971), pp.12–13 and passim; Rajamanickam (1967), pp.2–5; Cronin (1959), frontispiece drawing, pp.51, 56–7, 69–71+n., 73–5, 79–80, 127, 133, 147, 153, 224, 230, 251; Županov (1999), pp.3–5, 22–9, 34, 47–71 and passim; Lach (1971), I.280, 328–9; Rubiés (2000), p.317; Teltscher (1995), pp.74–6; Bayly, S. (1992), pp.390, 393–4; Hudson (1994), pp.23–4+n., 44; Schwab (1984), pp.28–9, 147, 155; Neill (1985), pp.75–9, 90; Piolet (1901), II.187–8; Bachmann (1972), pp.45–9+nn., 53; Dahmen (1924), frontispiece portrait showing Nobili wearing a sacred thread, pp.22–30, 43–53.
5 Pillei (1840), based on the 1798 mss by the poet Saminda Pillei; cit. Hudson (2000), p.23; Neill (1985), p.87.
6 Manucci (1965), III.303–5, 341, IV.69–70; cf. Bachmann (1972), pp.47–8+n.
7 Hudson (2000), pp.8–9.
8 Forbes (1813), I.406; Buchanan (1807), II.391; Bayly, S. (1992), pp.284–5; cf. p.348. Susan Bayly suggests that this was a recent move by the Syrian Christians to distance themselves from Kshatriyas and strengthen their relations with Brahmans, for example by claiming that they were descended from Brahmans converted by St Thomas. This may be so, but Hindu infiltrations into the community, such as belief in transmigration, had been criticised for centuries (Lach (1971), I.268–9). cf. Fryer (1909), II.14, 282–3.
9 Lord (1630), II.40; Fryer (1909), I.293+n.
10 Collingham (2001), pp.26–8; Bayly, C. (1990), pp.157–8; Hudson (2000), p.23; Bugge (1994), p.65; Bayly, S. (1992), pp.284–5; Dubois (1999), pp.213–14.
11 Pollock (1993), pp.276–7.
12 Conversation with Dr Yunus Jaffery, December 2002; Tavernier (1995), I.218. The continuities between the European and Mughal responses to India are yet to receive full treatment; see Rubiés (2000), e.g. pp.38–9, 70–1, 286; Alam and Alavi (2001), e.g. pp.34–5; Targhi (1996).
13 Abul Fazl (1783–6), I.371; Findly (1934), pp.252–3.
14 This passage is based on the 1780s translation, but I have added one clause from the complete modern translation which emphasises Akbar’s objections to cruelty: Abul Fazl (1783–6), I.84; Abul Fazl (1993), I.61, 64–5; cf. Richards (2000), p.47; Husain (1987), pp.36–7; Nizami (1991). For Sufic fasting practices generally, see e.g. Schimmel (2003), pp.114–17.
15 Burke (1989), p.123 (cf. ch. 8 above); Andhare (2004), pp.224–6; Choudhury (1997), pp.19, 123, 144; Wellesz (1952), pp.15–16; V&A (1982), pp.12–13.
16 Jahangir (1968), I.45, 240; Burke (1989), p.126; Koch (1988), p.33; Findly (1934); Chandra (1960); Andhare (2004).
17 Srivastava (2001), Plate 25, pp.25, 33–5, 39–40, 98; cf. Chandra (1976), p.87, Plate 27; Brand and Lowry (1986), pp.63, 67, 104, 153; Koch (1988), pp.8, 31 and passim; Ahmed, ed. (1995), pp.14–25, 33, 39, 44–6; V&A (1982), p.14; Srivastava (2001), Plate 57. Thanks to the late Nausheen Jaffery. Jesuit missionaries presented Akbar with a copy of the multi-lingual Bible that had been produced by Christopher Plantyn, the printer who collaborated with Guillaume Postel and the Family of Love in an attempt to unite disparate religions (see chs 2 and 8 above). The frontispiece bore the Isaiahan image of the wolf and lion in peaceful company with the lamb and the ox, a symbol of millenarian peace. Akbar and Jahangir adapted this into one of their favourite imperial icons, and Aurungzeb even had a live lion and goat paraded in public, suggesting that his reign had pacified even the animals. For Indian painting representing animals approaching musicians and ascetics see e.g. Topsfield, ed. (2000), pp.4, 66; Archer (1973), pp.24, 28, 72, 302; Beach (1974), VIII. Fig.4; Falk and Archer (1981), pp.376–7, 492.
18 Haykel (2004); Leach (1995), II.949–52, col. pl.137.
19 Tavernier (1995), I.296+n., 309–10; cf. Manucci (1965), II.309–10; Ritson (1802), p.156.
20 Husain (1987), pp.36–40; cf. 43, 44, 56, 284.
21 Marshall, ed. (1970), pp.107–27.
22 Harrison, M. (1999), pp.82–3; Collingham (2001), pp.27–8.
23 Chakravarty (2005); Husain (1987), pp.162, 166–7. My thanks also to John Lennard; Bayly, C. (1996); Dubois (1999), p.214ff+n.; Gupta (1998); Brown, Frykenberg and Low, eds ( 2002), p.205; Neill (2002), pp.360–1; Collingham (2001), pp.55–6, 188; Bayly, C. (1990), pp.165–7.
24 cf. Goldsmith (1774 – [1785?]), II.179–80.
25 Dubois (1999), pp.xvi–xvii, xxvii–xxviii; 210–19, 631–6; Mon
tesquieu (1914), Bk XIV, ch.15; Bk XXIV, chs 21, 24; cf. Bk XIV, chs 2, 10; Bk XXV, ch.4. Montesquieu was following Bernier (1999), pp.326–7, see ch. 4 note 79 above. The vegetarian friend of Percy Bysshe Shelley, Dr William Lambe, later observed that Montesquieu’s comments about the relation between Asian despotism and vegetarianism were indebted to Hippocrates who had written that their vegetable diet made Asians effeminate and unwarlike, and thus easy to oppress; Lambe (1815), pp.18–20; Hippocrates, Liber de Aere, Aquis et Locis, xxxi, xxxii, xxxix, liii–liv. cf. Pseudo-Clement (2005a), Bk IX, ch.27 which argued that the doctrine of climatic determination was untenable because, for example, ‘in the one country of India there are both persons who feed on human flesh, and persons who abstain even from the flesh of sheep, and birds, and all living creatures’. cf. Aronson (1946), p.30ff; Neill (1985), p.277; Rubiés (2000), p.202+n.; Murr (1987), vol.II, ch.1.
26 Teltscher (2000), pp.160–4; Harrison, M. (1999), p.168.
27 Fryer (1909), I.177–80+nn., cf. I.209–10. Fryer, however, thought it a more important factor that Europeans had a fixed natural constitution which was unsuited to the climate; cp. Harrison, M. (1999), p.51. In his De medecina indorum (Leiden, 1642), Jacob Bondt, a physician in the Dutch settlement of Batavia, allowed tropical travellers to eat all sorts of flesh, though he reckoned that the Indians were, of all people, ‘the most careful of preserving their health, and observe a regular and temperate course of diet’, living ‘almost entirely upon vegetables, after the manner of Pythagoras’ (Bondt (1769), pp.129, 133–4, 156–7).
28 Tryon (1691a), pp.94–5; cf. pp.143–4; [Tryon] (1684a), pp.48–61, 68; Tryon (1682b), p.8; [Tryon] (1702), pp.183–4, 199–200, 206–7, 215–16, 234–7.
29 Harrison, M. (1999), pp.51–2; Polo (1972), pp.278–9; Bernier (1999), pp.253–4, 327; Ovington (1929), pp.186–7.
30 Clark (1773), p.332; Bondt (1769), pp.133–4; Fryer (1909), III.146–9; Edwards (1799), pp.127–8; Moffet (1746), p.34; Andree (1788), p.12; Falconer (1781), pp.iv–v, 231–2; Gregory (1788), p.54.
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