50 Primatt (1776), p.295, quoted in Garrett ed. (2000), I.v–xxiv.
51 Forster (1777), I.127–8; Nicholson (1797), pp.8–12, 23–5.
52 Bougainville (1772), pp.39–40; cit. Nicholson (1797), p.10.
53 V.Sys.340; cf. Vind.7–8; Morton (1994), p.65; Shelley (1964), I.337. See ch. 11 above.
54 Forster (1777), I.127–8.
55 Lambe (1815), pp.232–3.
56 Pagés (1791–2), II.22–3; cf. II.27; Ritson (1802), pp.208–16; cf. Stavorinius (1798), II.488–91.
57 Medwin (1913), pp.152–3.
58 QM, VII.25–30, 35–9; RI, X.xxxi; Leask (1992), pp.114–15; cf. Drew (1998), p.272+n.; Clark (1939). If Shelley read Bailly (1779), he would have found there Voltaire’s eulogy of, and borrowing from, Holwell (pp.2–6).
59 Robertson (1802), pp.233, 239–40, 247, 252–3; cf. pp.342–3.
60 Janet Browne, ‘Forster, Thomas Ignatius Maria (1789–1860)’, ODNB.
61 Drew (1998), p.235+n.; Shelley (1964), II.361+n.5; Shelley (1971), ‘Letter to Maria Gisborne’, ll.236–7, p.368; Young (1975), pp.20–2.
62 Drew (1998), pp.235–60, 267n., 282; Raben (1963), p.99; Jones, ed. (1807), IX, Sacontala, Acts I, III, IV, e.g. pp.454, 473–4; Owenson (1811), I.87, II.114–15.
63 Morton (1994), pp.70–1; Drew (1998), p.282; Shelley (1964), I.380; Hogg (1858), II.480–2. Newton, J.F. (1897), pp.58–9; cp. Morton (1994), p.107+n. Morton says that Shelley would have known Cowper’s translation of Milton’s Elegia Sexta from Ritson (1802), pp.90–2. Ritson quotes from Cowper’s The Task, but I find no mention of Elegia Sexta in Ritson. Newton’s translation is different from Cowper’s. cf. Crab (1990), pp.4–5.
64 Shelley (1971), pp.271–4; cf. QM, VI.33.
65 Vind.10–11.
66 Alastor, ll.100–2; Morton (1994), pp.104–5; Drew (1998), pp.256–7n.; cf. RI, X.ii.
67 Mg, ll.133–41; cf. ll.73–4.
68 Morton (1994), pp.116–18; Mg, ll.106–11.
69 Nicholson (1797), pp.23–5.
70 Vind.12–13 [my emphasis].
71 QM, III.192–6, 226–37; ‘Ode to the West Wind’, ll.53–4, 63–7; Oerlemans (2002), pp.117–21.
72 RI, V.xv, xxvi, xxxiv, xxxvii, xl–xli, xlv, xlviii, li, VI.vi, X.xxiii; cp. RI, VIII.xviii; Morton (1994), pp.103, 215. cf. PU, I.49–54; ‘Mont Blanc’, l.104; and another work which Shelley, as well as J.F. Newton, had read on related topics: Moor (1810), pp.xi, 28, 64, 175, 259–60, 269, 388–9; Leask (1992), pp.72–9, 116–18, 133–4; Butler (1996); Drew (1998), pp.231–5+nn., 257, 271n.
73 RI, V.li, verse 5, pp.323–5; cf. RI, V.lv–lvi; Morton (1994), pp.110, 113–16.
74 QM, III.44–9; RI, V.xxxii, ll.284–5, V.lv; PU, I.i.618ff., III.iii.84–7, III.iv.180–9; Morton (1994), p.123. On the origins of fear and vanquishing it, cf. Shelley, The Daemon of the World, l.450; PU, I.6–9, 55, III.iii.84–107, III.iv.180–9; RI, I.20–2, IV.xxvi, X.xl, X.xlii; Oswald (1791), pp.70–1; Wordsworth, ‘The Prelude’, passages on stealing ravens’ eggs and the ‘elfin pinnace’; Tryon (1700), pp.134–6; Cheyne (1715 [1716]), II.88; Kenyon-Jones (2001), p.114; Drew (1998), pp.271–2.
75 RI, X.xlii, XII.xiii, xvii; Owenson (1811), III.164–90; cf. Drew (1998), pp.260n., 263n. For related issues in PU, see Raben (1963); Drew (1998), pp.231–2, 238; Faber (1816), I.314–56; Owenson (1811), I.130–42, II.252, III.17, 22–3; Drew (1998), pp.242, 250, and see the related themes in Shelley’s Alastor and ‘The Sensitive Plant’; Leask (1992), p.122+n.; Drew (1998), pp.201–6, 234–5+nn., 254–5, 257; Morton (1994), p.109; Raben (1963), p.97.
76 Morton (1994), pp.62, 71–9; cf. Lambe (1815), pp.109–10.
77 Drew (1998), pp.231–2+n.; PU, I.450, IV.400–5, 573–4; Morton (1994), pp.122–5; Oerlemans (2002), p.122; Owenson (1811), II.114–15.
78 PU, III.iii.90–107; III.ii.19; III.iv.180–9; II.iv.55–8; cf. Drew (1998), p.279; RI, V.l, p.322; QM, VIII.77–87; Morton (1994), p.112.
79 PU, III.iv.36–85; cf. QM, VIII.129–30; Dawson (1997).
80 Shelley (1971), pp.272–3; cf. Morton (1994), p.119.
81 RI, V.li, verse 5, pp.323–5; QM. VIII.221; Kenyon-Jones (2001), pp.111–12; Buffon (1780), III.183–5.
82 cf. Morton (1994), pp.226–7; Bate (1991), pp.36–7.
83 Shelley (1971), pp.207, 274; Morton (2002), pp.69–70, 85; Stansky (1999), pp.vii–viii; Morton and Smith, eds (2002), p.13.
CHAPTER 27
1 Lambe (1815), pp.241–3; cp. Morton (1994), pp.162, 221.
2 Schofield (1985); Morton (1994), p.222.
3 [Southey] (1807), III.193 (my emphasis); Lambe echoes Southey in Lambe (1815), pp.171–2.
4 Paley (1785); Williams, Howard (1883), pp.169–72; Pufendorf (1749), pp.360–1; Encyclopædia Britannica, ‘William Paley’; cp. Hutcheson, ch. 16 p.225 above.
5 Smith (1776), I.184, 200–2.
6 Morton (1994), pp.18–19; London Magazine (1821), repr. in The Medical Adviser (1824). I think Morton is wrong to identify ‘Sir J.S.’ as John ‘Walking’ Stewart, who was not a Sir. I take it to refer to the eccentric Sir John Sinclair, who – as president of the Board of Agriculture – advocated the conversion of ‘grass-lands into tillage’ and whose Code of Health and Longevity (1807) included an anthology and bibliography of dietetic writing including the vegetarians Tryon, Oswald, Cheyne and Cocchi. Lambe frequently cited Sinclair’s work to support vegetarianism. Sinclair (1807), II.vi+n., 205, 298–9; Lambe (1815), pp.166, 186–7, 522–3; cf. pp.200–1; Aikin (1803), p.755.
7 Paley (1785), pp.xii, 11; Williams, Howard (1883), p.169.
8 Plato (1956), I.76–7; Jerome (2005a), Bk II, ch.11; Evelyn (1996), pp.88–9; Pufendorf (1749), p.361; Porphyry (2000), pp.35, 52, 111; Tryon (1691a), pp.49, 267, 331–3, 336; [Tryon] (1685), pp.52–3; Tryon (1696), p.125; cf. Ritson (1802), pp.81–5+nn.; Doddridge (1794), I.207; Morton (2000), pp.96–9; Morton (1994), p.162+n.
9 Williams, E.F. (1976), pp.47, 49.
10 Saint-Pierre (1798), II.398; cf. Rousseau, J.-J. (1755), Note 4; and see ch.15, 18 and 21 above; Spengler (1942), pp.257–8.
11 Tudge (2003), p.77.
12 Darwin, E. (1794–6), II.292, 660, 669–71; Darwin, E. (1800), pp.466–9; Thomas, K. (1983), p.295n.; Lambe (1815), pp.278–9, 518–19.
13 Nicholson (1999), pp.xviii–xix, 28–9, 48–50; Oswald (1791), p.16; Thomas, K. (1983), p.295n.; Buchan (1797), pp.7, 11–12. On the sparse population of the Amerindians, see Oswald (1791), pp.15–16; Darwin, E. (1794–6), II.669–71; [Malthus] (1798), ch. 3.
14 Vind. 13–14+n.; Hogg (1858), II.412; Ritson (1802), pp.84–5; Thomas, K. (1983), p.295+n.; Crab (1655), p.7; Tryon (1700), p.236.
15 Lambe (1815), pp.171–2, 220, 238–43, 518–19; Morton (1994), p.162+n. For Lambe’s other negative comments on milk, see Lambe (1809), pp.21–2, 34–6; Lambe (1815), p.160; cp. p.167; cf. also Newton, J.F. (1897), pp.31, 64–5.
16 Buffon (1780), IV.166–8. John Brückner extended Buffon’s argument to humans (Brückner (1768), pp.85–122). The idea was a demographic slant on the common remark that if people did not eat the animals they would overrun the land. Even Thomas Tryon had retorted to this counter-vegetarian argument by asking whether, if war were eradicated, there would be too many people ([Tryon] (1685), pp.52–3).
17 Brückner (1768), pp.85–122; CR Vol.26 (August 1768), pp.49–50.
18 [Malthus] (1798), ch.7.
19 Godwin (1793), II.806; Morton (2000), p.110.
20 [Malthus] (1798), chs 3, 7, 10, p.187; Malthus (1826), II.25–7; Morton (1994), pp.208–12; Green (1978), p.20; Paley (1785), pp.587–8.
21 Godwin (1820), pp.453–4.
22 Aikin, ed. (1804), pp.292–301; cf. J.M. Pullen, ‘Malthus, (Thomas) Robert (1766–1834)’, ODNB (2004).
23 Godwin (1820), p.497.
24 Vind.13–14+n.
25 Newton, J.F. (1897), p.38; cf. e.g. Lambe (1815), p.518; Shelley (1926–30), I.242.
26 BL Add Ms. 37232.(F), William Godwin to J.F. Newton 1811, ff.38–42.
/> 27 Tudge (2003), pp.77, 333–5.
28 Brückner (1768), pp.54–60, 134–5, 148–9; CR Vol.26 (August 1768), p.46; Aikin ed. (1804), p.295.
29 Smellie (1790), pp.389–98; cf. Stillingfleet (1759), pp.95–105; Derham (1714), pp.169–74.
30 cf. e.g. Smellie (1790), p.398.
31 Brückner (1768), pp.xvii, 40–1, 46–54, 64–84, 131–3, 136ff.; cf. CR Vol.26 (August 1768), pp.46–9; cf. Oerlemans (2002), pp.104–7; da Vinci (1970), II.258; Kropotkin (1914), pp.1–2.
32 Wells (1971); Huxley (1968), VII ‘Preface’; Muddford (1968), pp.432–3; cf. Malthus (1826), II.12.
33 Peacock (2001), II.475; Lawrence (1819), pp.208–22; Lambe (1815), pp.128–9, 519–22; Holmes (1974), pp.286–7, 290, 294; Morton (1994), p.72; Morton writes that Lawrence ‘translated’ the article on ‘Man’; he later indicates that Lawrence authored it, Morton (1994), pp.65–6, 133–4.
34 Lambe (1815), pp.519–22; cf. pp.148, 512; Lambe (1809), pp.22–31; Newton, J.F. (1897), pp.xii, 23–4+n., 137–8; Vind.8; V.Sys.340.
35 Rees et al. (1819), sig.Rr1v–Tt3v–Tt4r.
36 Herbert (1971). Darwin seems to attribute to Malthus a recognition that the survival of the fittest was the power driving a species’ adaptation to its competitive environment. This seems to respond to Malthus (1798), ch. 3: ‘Want pinched the less fortunate members of the society … Young scions were then pushed out from the parent-stock … The peaceful inhabitants of the countries on which they rushed could not long withstand the energy of men acting under such powerful motives of exertion. And when they fell in with any tribes like their own, the contest was a struggle for existence … Till at length the whole territory … was peopled by a various race of Barbarians, brave, robust, and enterprising, inured to hardship, and delighting in war.’ Darwin regarded Malthus’ theory as analogous to his theory of intraspecific adaptation by natural selection; he wrote that ‘The final cause of all this wedging, must be to sort out proper structure, and adapt it to changes. – to do that for form, which Malthus shows is the final effect (by means however of volition) of this populousness on the energy of man.’ Darwin, C. (1887), I.83; Darwin, C. (1885), pp.50–1; Darwin, C. (1882), pp.44–8 (Part I, ch.2, ‘Rate of Increase’, ‘Natural Selection’); Claeys (2000), pp.223–4.
EPILOGUE
1 Dombrowski (1986).
2 Thoreau (1989), pp.214–15; Alcott (1938) p.318.
3 Emerson (1969), p.256ff.; Adams (1990), pp.243–4.
4 Thoreau (1989), pp.210, 217, 283–4; Dombrowski (1986), p.32+nn.16, 18, 19 (a misleading article).
5 Thoreau (1989), pp.215–16; cf. pp.210, 212–14; Altherr (1984).
6 Thoreau (1973), p.22; Worster (1985), pp.104–5; Hodder (2003); Stevenson (1880); Adams (1990), pp.243–4.
7 Thoreau (1989), pp.210, 214–15; see ch. 18, p.248 above.
8 Thoreau (1989), p.216. On Thoreau, Alcott and vegetarianism, cf. Altherr (1984); Adams (1990), pp.245–6; Jones, J. (1957); Cameron (1969).
9 Emerson (1842), III.227–47; Axon (1893).
10 Spencer, C. (2000), pp.238–70; Alexander Gordon, ‘Cowherd, William (1763–1816)’, rev. Ian Sellers, ODNB; Peter Shapely, ‘Brotherton, Joseph (1783–1857)’, ODNB; Julia Twigg, ‘Prospectus of Concordium. The Vegetarian Movement in England 1847–1981’, Unpublished Ph.D Dissertation, London School of Economics (not seen); Gandhi (1999), XLIV.92, 105–10, 125–8, 133–43; Roy (2002), p.82.
11 Gandhi (1999), I.45–7, XLIV.92, 105–8. Subversive reformers such as the atheist Eurasian professor in Calcutta, Derozio, encouraged caste Hindus to eat beef as a sign of their rejection of caste laws and pagan superstition.
12 Salt (2000), pp.xiv–xvi. Salt wrote five books and four articles on Shelley and edited the ‘Vindication of Natural Diet’ and other prose; for a bibliography see http://www.henrysalt.co.uk/indexold.html. Gandhi (1999), I.21–2, 39, 91, 310; XLIV.127–8; Alexander (1996); Oerlemans (2002), p.113; Young (1975), pp.19–33; Spencer (2000), p.273.
13 Gandhi (1999), XLIV.125–8; I.47–9; XLVII.243.
14 Roy (2002), pp.70, 82.
15 Gandhi (1999), I.18–28, 34–52, 64–5, 80, 90–100, 126, 136–42, 176–7, 184, 206–7, 239–40, 307–11; XLIV.136–8; Salt (2000), p.xvi; Hay (1989), pp.87–94; Green (1986), pp.65–72.
16 Gandhi (1999), I.40, 80–1, 239–40 (cf. Kropotkin (1912), ch.5), 307–9; IV.151–2+n.; cf. V.149, 476, 493; Alter (2000), pp.9–10; Millie Polak, ‘Interview’ (2005), BBC Radio 4 Broadcast; Alter (2000), pp.7–8; Roy (2002), pp.74–5.
17 Gandhi (1999), I.307–9; XLIV.127–8, 136; cp. I.48–9; Alter (2000), pp.3, 161 n.14 and passim.
18 Walters and Portmess, eds (1999), p.143; cf. Alter (2000), pp.161–2n.18. Compare the ambivalence to health motives for vegetarianism in Élisée Reclus’ ‘search for truth’: Reclus (1901).
19 Gandhi (1999), XLIII.84. On the diasporic provenance of some of Gandhi’s ideas, cf. Roy (2002); Veer, ed. (1995), pp.1–16.
20 Gandhi (1999), XLIV.142–3; Hay (1989), pp.83–7.
21 Gandhi (1999), I.100; XXIV.27–8; XLI.39, XLIII.225, and the partly contradictory, L.446; Alter (2000), pp.34–5; cf. Roy (2002), pp.74–5.
22 Williams, Howard (1883), pp.198–206; Gandhi (1944), pp.41–53; Gandhi (1999), I.19, 34, 64–5, 136; Roy (2002), p.75n.
23 Gandhi (1999), XLIV.136.
24 Gandhi (1999), XLVII.243; LXVII.400; XCIV.125; Dimock (2003); Miller (1938), pp.238–9; Hendrick (1956); Hodder (2003), p.357.
25 Wilson (2005).
26 Gandhi (1999), VII.181–2; XII.23–4; XXI.14–15; cf. Polak (1953); Hay (1989), pp.91–2; Young (1975), pp.32–3.
27 Gandhi (1999), XLVII.243; Hendrick (1977), pp.109–13, 160; Walters and Portmess, eds (1999), pp.141–4.
28 cf. e.g. Gandhi (1999), I.25–7, 100; Thoreau (1989), pp.219–20; Alter (2000), p.4.
29 Hendrick (1956), p.462; Thoreau, ‘On the Duty of Civil Disobedience’; Gandhi (1999), LIII.4–5.
30 Gandhi (1999), XLIV.133 (my emphasis).
31 Kropotkin (1914), pp.xv–xvi.
32 Green (1930); Carpenter (2003), pp.100, 264.
33 Crawford (2000).
34 Huxley (1888), p.165; cf. Kropotkin (1914), pp.77–8; Kropotkin (1912), ch. 4; Claeys (2000), pp.226–8; Borello (2004), p.19; Haeckel (1895), pp.73–4; Gandhi (1999), LXXIX.87–8; LXX.260.
35 Kropotkin (1914), pp.ix–xii, xv, 57, 74–5; Preece (2003), p.403; Todes (1989), pp.123–42.
36 Borello (2004); Wynne-Edwards (1983).
37 Gould (1991), p.335.
38 Darwin, C. (1874), ch.2, ‘Natural Selection’; cf. Jones, S.E. (n.d.).
39 Purchase (2003), p.76; Darwin, C. (1874), ch.4, ‘Sociability’; Kropotkin (1914), pp.5, 77–8.
40 Kropotkin (1912), ch. 3; cf. ch.5.
41 Purchase (2003), pp.20–1, 68; Reclus (1927), p.52; cf. Reclus (1901). Kropotkin did, in passing, mention inter-specific mutual aid: Kropotkin (1914), p.xi.
42 Wallace (2004), p.309; Wallace (1916), p.158; Wallace to Salt (26 Sept. 1897 and 11 Jan. 1898), Alfred Russel Wallace Collection, American Philosophical Society B W15a (www.amphilsoc.org/library/mole/w/wallacear.htm)
43 Vegetarian Messenger, August 1938 (www.ivu.org/history); Kropotkin (1914), pp.77–8; Todes (1989), pp. 130–1.
44 Gandhi (1999), I.309–11.
45 Hitler (1943), chs 3, 4, 13; Haeckel (1876), I.170; Claeys (2000); Bramwell (1985), pp.171–9; Köhler (2000), pp.199–201; Wells (1971), pp.326–7, 339, 353–6; [Wagener] (1978), pp.40–1, 68–9, 145.
46 Speer (1970), pp.119–20; Sweeting (2002), p.86; Proctor (1999), p.136.
47 Gordon (2002), pp.185–7+n.; Anderson (1992), pp.25, 51–2, 74–85; Ungewitter (1979b), pp.25, 69; Ungewitter (1979a), pp.11, 69; Chase (1980), I.85–138; II.18–19; Lusane (2003), pp.130–3 (Kellogg thus provided inspiration for both Hitler and Gandhi: Gandhi (1999), LXVII.284); Hau (2003), pp.120–3; cf. pp.1, 4, 23, 27, 110; Hamann (1999), pp.367–8; International Vegetarian Union (n.d.); Toepfer (2003), pp.144�
��8, 180; Kennedy and Ryan (2003); [Wagener] (1978), pp.40–1, 145; Proctor (1999), p.127.
48 [Wagener] (1978), pp.222, 226; Kershaw (1998), pp.261–2, 345+n.; Toland (1976), p.256; Waite (1971), pp.232–6.
49 Schenck (1998), pp.261–2, 345; Hitler (2000), pp.230–1 (22/1/ 1942); Waite (1977), pp.25–6.
50 Hitler (2000), pp.152, 230–1, 442–3 (cf. chs 11 and 15, pp.145, 209 above); Kershaw (2000), p.509. Although the authenticity of some aspects of the Table Talk transcripts is doubtful, the views attributed to Hitler on vegetarianism which I quote are either corroborated by separate sources, or at the very least, in the case of land-use efficiency measures for example, they accord with policies implemented by Hitler’s administration. The disquisition he gave on vegetarianism in April 1942, for example, is corroboratively recorded in Table Talk and in Goebbels (1993–8), IV.175–7; Hitler (1963), pp.294–5.
51 Proctor (1999), pp.26–7, 130–3+n.; Hamann (1999), pp.367–8; Redlich (1998), p.128; Crawford (1995), p.217; Besant (2003), pp.616–17.
52 Anderson (1992), pp.77–84; Proctor (1999), pp.26–7+n.; Redlich (1998), pp.77–8; Hitler (2000), pp.114–15, 230–1, 442–3 (I have adjusted the translation ‘vegetarian’ to ‘vegetable’ to avoid the implication that Hitler actually used the jargon of the ‘vegetarian’ movement). cf. Alter (2000), p.98; Gandhi (1999), I. 206–7; Gandhi (1944), p.44.
53 U.S. Army Infantry School (1941); Hitler (2000), pp.114–15, 442–3; Proctor (1999), pp.26–7, 135.
54 Hitler (2000), pp.114–15, 230–1, 442–3; Kershaw (2000), p.509; Proctor (1999), pp.134–5.
55 Proctor (1999), pp.137–8; Schenck (1970), p.18; Kersten (1956), pp.41–3. Compare the surprisingly similar ideas prevalent in post-Holocaust Germany: Barilan (2004), pp.124–5; cf. Goodrick-Clarke (1985), pp.198–9, 218–20.
56 Proctor (1999), pp.120–1, 131–2; Offer (1991); Hitler (2000), pp.230–1.
57 Sax (2000), p.121; Hitler (2000), pp.164–5, 232, 247–8; Köhler (2000), p.265; Kershaw (1998), pp.92–3; Redlich (1998), pp.216–17; Proctor (1999), p.134.
The Bloodless Revolution Page 86
