Here we can see evidence of a number of facets of Catesby’s behaviour. Even a brief glance at the map will show that Welton lies right in the heart of the Catesby domain and he must have schemed for this transfer fairly extensively. Obviously he took advantage of Hawte’s (Haute) misfortune, but essentially he traded two of his family manors, which arguably would have gone to Peyton anyway, for the coveted manor at Welton. Here Catesby himself risked almost nothing to secure his desired aim. When this arrangement was threatened, Catesby used his legal skills and position to perpetuate the arrangement with the connivance of the law.
This incident does not represent a ‘one-off,’ but rather seems to have been part of a general pattern. In respect of the efforts at in-filling, we can also cite the case of Long Buckby (Bukby). Again, this was a property within only two to three miles of Catesby’s own centre at Ashby St Ledgers and, again Catesby seems to have schemed to get it. It has been noted that somehow, and here we are unsure of the mechanism, Catesby obtained land that was in this location. It has been noted that this land in the time of Henry III was in the possession of one Hugh Revell. Somehow Catesby was successful in obtaining it, but it is clear that this transaction preyed on his conscience. The evidence that we have for this lies in Catesby’s will, in which he himself stated:
Item: that the executors of Nicholas Cowley have the lond again in Evertoft withoute they have their C li. Item: in like wise Revell [6] his lond in Bukby.
The suggestion here is that Catesby, in his ‘hasty’ will, was trying to put right each of the suspect dealings that had helped him accumulate the domain we have seen. In this case we see that he was returning the Long Buckby lands to the Revell family, who had held them for an extensive period of time, notably since the reign of Henry III. The other cases cited in his will attest to a similar attack of conscience; the Welton lands were not mentioned, although they might conceivably come under his command to ‘restore all londs that I have wrongfully purchased.’ In places where Catesby could not force or cajole the private owner to part with their property, as was the case with Church lands, he used his undoubted influence with the king to help secure his design. Thus, in the case of Stanford-on-Avon, we can see this tactic come to fruition. Again, it is important to note the geographic context here. Stanford-on-Avon is not so close to Ashby St Ledgers as either Welton or Long Buckby; however, it does lie a few miles to the north, immediately adjacent to the properties of Catthorpe, Lilibounre and Clay Coton, for which Catesby had already manoeuvered. Critically, it also lay directly on the path of his manifest expansion into Leicestershire. Thus we find Roskell observing that, ‘it was at the King’s instance that on 5 October, 1483, the abbot of the said Yorkshire Benedictine house of Selby gave Lovell and Catesby a grant for their lives (in survivorship) of the office of steward of the manor of Stanford [on-Avon] (Northants.) near where Catesby’s own estates were on the ground.’ Roskell is very helpful here, but Stanford-on-Avon was not near Catesby’s estates; it now lies packed within them, another of the dominoes to fall in Catesby’s progressive march to dominion.
Thus, we can say that Catesby accumulated more lands and holdings during his brief two years of influence than his family had in the previous 100 years of effort (compare Figure 36 vs. Figure 37). When these were all lost in the aftermath of Bosworth, his family was impoverished and took more than a decade to recover even some of its traditional holdings. The Catesby family never again secured such influence, although with one of the direct descendants of William Catesby leading the ‘Gunpowder Plot’ more than a century later, the name Catesby did remain in the public eye, albeit one that connoted sedition and infamy.
A Listing of the Lands
As I have noted, the present assessment is illustrative only. It presents a listing of lands where Catesby had some influence and some investment. That association could range from directly owning all the lands in the manor to some association with a group who benefitted from revenues from the whole or even part of some location. The latter include monies received from revenues, claims on resources and the like. For example, in 1485, Catesby had a grant from King Richard of 100 oaks, to be taken from the king’s old park at Tanworth, and Earlswood in Tanworth. These were not possessions per se, but rights and advantages associated with various locations. It may be helpful for those in the future to list these here and to cite the provenance for such observations. I start with reference to some original public records.
In the Reign of Henry VI
Piece Details: SC 6/949/15
In Northamptonshire the lands of Margaret and William Catesby: Welton, Harlestone and Heyford, Watford, Creaton, Hinton, Braunston, Ashby, Stanford, Stormsworth, and Yelvertoft:, Hellidon, Hinton. 25 to 26 Hen VI 27 to 28 Hen VI 30 to 31 Hen VI 37 to 38 Hen VI 38 to 39 Hen VI 3 to 4 Edw IV 8 to 9 Edw IV 14 to 15 Edw IV [14 to 15 Edw IV] 16 to 17 Edw IV 17 to 18 Edw IV 20 to 21 Edw IV 21 to 22 Edw IV 22 Edw IV, to 1 Ric III.
Piece Details: SC 2/207/30
In Warwickshire, Description of Courts: Court of William Catesby and others. Places: Grandborough (Grendburgh); Ladbrooke (Lodbrok). 25, 26 Hen VI.
Piece Details: E 40/4369
Letter of attorney by John Talbot, Viscount de Lisle, William, lord of Lovell, knights, Henry Grene, Thomas Tresham, Robert Catesby, the elder, esquire, William Bryten, vicar of All Saints’, Northampton, John Gervys, rector of Bukkeby church, John Verney, rector of Lodbrok church, John Wattson, rector of Rodburn church, and John Prudde, authorising Edmund Newnham and Thomas Mettley to deliver to William Catesby, knight, and Joan his wife, full seisin of the manors of Grenburgh, Lodbrok in Grenburgh, and Lodbrok, the advowson of the church of Lodbrok, with lands &c., 25 June, 31 Henry VI.
Piece Details: SC 6/860/24
Dorstone (Lands of [? Lady Joan Catesby]): [Hereford] Description of Officer. 32 to [33] Hen VI
In the Reign of Edward IV
Piece Details: SC 6/1117/16
(Lands of William Catesby; Receipts attached):Leamington: [Warwick] Coventry, Fee in: [Warwick] Combe, (Rent paid by Abbot of Combe) Fee in: [Warwick] Braunston: [Northampton] Buckby: [Northampton] Towcetter: -- Medbourn: [Leicester] Granborough (Crenneborough): [Warwick] Radburn: [Warwick] Warwick: [Warwick] Description of Officer: Receiver, 20 Edw IV
Piece Details: E 40/4575
Sale by John Hathwyke, to William Catesby, for 200l. of the manor of Oxsshile, and the advowson of the church there: Warw.
4 January, 21 Edward IV.
In the Reign of Richard III
Piece Details: E 40/4306
Grant by William the abbot, and the convent of St Mary’s, Combe, to William Catesby, esquire of the king’s body, of a yearly rent of 26s.8d., for his life, with licence of entry into the lands and tenements of the lordship of Herburbur’, in case of non-payment of the said rent.
3 February, 1 Richard III.
Piece Details: E 40/4786
Demise by John, lord Le Scrop, knight, and Dame Elizabeth his wife, for her life, to William Catesby, esquire of the king’s body, of the manors of Berughy, Oneley and Gretton, with lands and tenements in Hayngworth: also letter of attorney authorising Thomas Aynesworth and William Lytylhay to deliver seisin of the premises: N’hamp.
16 February, 1 Richard III.
Item Details: C 47/10/28/19
Private papers of the Earl of Ormond: Bond of Thomas Ormond and William Boleyn, knights, to William Catesby for 40 pounds, 2 Ric III Feb 8
Piece Details: E 40/4776
Grant by Thomas Peyton, grandson of Thomas Peyton late of Esilham and of Margaret his wife, daughter and heiress of Ellen, daughter and heiress of John Malorre and Joan his wife, to William Catesby, esquire of the king’s body, and John Catesby, esquire, of Olthorp, of the manor of Welton, and of all the lands &c., 14 February, 2 Richard III.
Piece Details: E 40/4496
Grant by John Pratte of Henley, to William Catesby, esquire, of all his right in a pasture called ‘Henleys’ in Lapworth. Warwickshire, Last day of May, 2
Richard III.
Piece Details: E 42/540
Recovery by William Catesby, Esquire of the King’s Body, and John Catesby of Althorp (Olthorp), esquire, of the manor of Welton, and lands there, against Thomas Peyton: Northampton shire. 2 Ric III
Piece Details: E 210/571
Grant by William Catesby of …, to William Catesby, knight, of Aschby Legers, Roger Wike of Bylsworth, Thomas …, Thomas Barker of …, and Elizabeth Catesby, the grantor’s daughter, of all his lands &c. in Fodyngworth, co. Leicester, and Sylson, co. 20 …, 2 Richard III.
In the Reign of Henry VII
Item Details: E 150/1111/4
Catesby, William, attainted: Warwick, 1 Henry VII.
Piece Details: E 42/521
The king to John Halwell, Knight of the Body to the King: Grants of land in Silsworth and Braunston late of William Catesby, esquire, attainted of high treason: Northamptonshire., 7 Hen VII.
Piece Details: E 40/5059
Release by John Halyghwell, knight, to George Catesby, son and heir of William Catesby, of all his right in land in Silesworth: Northamptonshire, 18 December, 11 Henry VII.
Centre for Buckinghamshire Studies
22 August 1485 (NB: date of Bosworth). [D-X731/1/2] Feoffment 22 August 3 Richard III
1. Richard Maryet of Shiryngton [Sherington], gentleman
2. John Catesby, knight, William Catesby, esquire of the king’s body, Robert Tate and John Tate, aldermen of London, John Tate son of John Tate, lately mayor of London, Thomas Kebeel, William Lane, John Legerdon, clerk, John Ardys, Simon Sakavile, Robert Yonge, Richard Wolfe The manor of Sherington called Caves, with all its land and rights Witnesses: Michael Ardys, John FitzJohn, chaplain, Henry Rande, John Coyte. At Sherington
Cambridge University, King’s College Archive Centre
Wootton Lease: Date:3 February 1485 (1484/5)
Lease of Wootton manor by Walter Field, Provost of King’s College to Sir William Catesby. Seal attached.
Northamptonshire Record Office
Date:[1484]
Rental, houses, shops and lands at Northampton of Wm. Catesby showing payments to the chapel of the Blessed Virgin Mary in All Saints and to the bailiff of Northampton; also rental for Tylbroke, Bedfordshire.
Date:[1484], Rental, lands of Wm. Catesby at Long Buckby, Murcote & Shutlanger
Warwickshire Records Office
Gift with warranty from Richard Boughton, esq., to William Catysby, knight, William Catysby the younger, esq., John Huggeford, William Harper esq., John Harper esq., Richard Harper, John Danton, William Dyxwell, Master John Wymark, William Stanerton, John Dyve the younger, and Thomas Ley, of his manor of Browneswover, with all appurtenances. To have and to hold to the aforesaid, their heirs and assigns forever, of the chief lord of the fee, for the customary services. He appoints as attorneys John Norton and Henry Bene, to deliver seisin on his behalf. Given at Bruneswover 1st May, 15 Edward IV. Witnesses: William Hylle, chaplain, John Rose of wover, the aforesaid John Coke of the same, William Overton and many others.; Seal: round; device: deer’s head; red; tag.; Endorsed: charter of Richard Boughton made to William Catesby and others, of the manor of Brownsover: 1st May, 1475.
Manor of Oxhill: in 1482 the manor was sold for £200 to John Catesby of Lapworth.
Date: 12 February, 1481: Letter of attorney of Guy Fairfax knight and royal justice, Richard Pigot servant and law of the king, William Catesby, esq., and Thomas Kebell, appointing John Chancy and William Brett to receive seisin of the manors of Astwell with all the lands, tenements etc., belonging to it in Astwell, Wappenham and Falcutt from Thomas Billyng and Thomas Lovett (NB: each of these are small hamlets that are close to the village of Helmdon in Northamptonshire).
In Leicestershire: Catthorpe, Dunton Bassett, Husbands Bosworth, Swinford.
In Northamptonshire: Great Everdon, Hellidon, Silsworth, Snorscombe, Ashby St Ledgers.
Lands Reported in Payling (2007)
1. Tilbrook, Bedfordshire (acquired between 1476-1483)
2. Oxhill (acquired between 1476-1483)
3. 5/1/1482. ninety-nine-year lease on church/rectory, Ashby St Ledgers
4. Radbourne (acquired by great-great-grandfather, also William)
5. Ladbrooke (by marriage in early fourteenth century)
12 February 1481
Letter of attorney of Guy Fairfax knight and royal justice, Richard Pigot servant and law of the king, William Catesby, esq., and Thomas Kebell, appointing John Chancy and William Brett to receive seisin of the manors of Astwell with all the lands, tenements etc., belonging to it in Astwell, Wappenham and Falcutt from Thomas Billyng and Thomas Lovett. These are small hamlets that lie around the village of Helmdon in Northamptonshire.
Notes
Setting the Scene
1. From Shakespeare, As You Like It, II. VII (1599).
2. See Nayha, S. ‘Traffic deaths and superstition on Friday the 13th.’ American Journal of Psychiatry, 159 (2002), 2110-2111; and also Radun, I. & Summala, H. ‘Females don’t have more injury road accidents on Friday the 13th.’ Proceedings of the Third International Conference on Traffic and Transport Psychology, 3 (2004), 50-51.
3. There is such a cottage industry now attached to the Knights Templar that it is often hard to divorce serious scholarship from popularisation and myth.
4. There has been controversy as to whether the events which are the focus of this text happened on Friday 13 June 1483, or actually one week later on Friday 20 June. In large part this arises from some textual interpretations of the crucial Stonor letter. However, the matter is of such importance it cannot be left to a note and is therefore the subject of Appendix II. While it may seem that this is merely an argument about dates, the issue has actually coloured opinions as to the meaning of events, such as the interpretation of Charles T. Wood in his influential article on the deposition of Edward V.
5. My beginning this framing with Edward III is a traditional starting point but may well be a misleading one. For example, Ashdown-Hill, J. ‘The Lancastrian claim to the throne.’ The Ricardian, XIII (2003), 27-38, points out that it might be as well to go back to Henry III as the more appropriate start point.
6. See Ashley, M. British Kings & Queens. Carroll & Graf, 2002.
7. Saul, N. Richard II. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997.
8. Abbott, J. History of Margaret of Anjou. Harper & Brothers: New York, 1900.
9. For an account of Edward IV see Historie of the Arrivall of Edward IV, in England and the Finall Recouerye of His Kingdomes from Henry VI. A.D. M.CCC.LXXI. at: http//www.r3.org/bookcase/arrival1.html, and in hard copy texts of the same reference.
10. It has been argued that Edward, Prince of Wales was summarily dispatched by Edward IV’s major lieutenants and advisors in front of him. However, contemporary records indicate that the prince was killed in the pursuit following the break of the Lancastrian lines.
11. And see also: White, W. J. ‘The death and burial of Henry VI, A review of the facts and theories, Part 1.’ The Ricardian, 78 (1982), 70-80, and White, W. J. ‘The death and burial of Henry VI. Part II. The re-burial of Master John Schorne and King Henry VI: Windsor’s two Saints.’ The Ricardian, 79 (1982), 106-117.
Chapter 1: The Path to the Throne
1. Note that the College of Arms MS2 M6 indicates the previous day (being Tuesday 8th). The author of the College of Arms MS1,7.f. 7 made the opposite error, placing the date as Thursday 10 April, see Gairdner, J. Letters and Papers Illustrative of the Reigns of Richard III and Henry VII (p. 4). London: HMSO, 1861. However, the generally accepted date remains the 9th. See Green, R. F. ‘Historical notes of a London citizen 1483-1488.’ English Historical Review, 96 (1981), 585-590.
2. See: Sutton, A. F. & Visser-Fuchs, L. ‘Laments for the death of Edward IV: “It was a world to see him ride about.”’ The Ricardian, 145 (1999), 506-524.
3. One of his predecessors, Henry V, had died of dysentery at the age of thirty-four in 1422, while his great-grandson, Edwar
d VI, died of tuberculosis aged almost sixteen in 1553. These were the only two kings of the modern era who we know died of natural causes at a younger age than Edward.
4. For a close to contemporary account see: Mancini, D. The Usurpation of Richard III. Trans. C. A. J. Armstrong. Alan Sutton: Gloucester, 1989. See also Lord Hastings’ comment to the Mayor of Canterbury, Reports of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, IX (1883).
5. Richmond, C. ‘The Princes in the Tower; The Truth at Last.’ Ricardian Register, 26 (3) (2001), 10-18. With the remains in the tomb in St George’s chapel, Windsor, it may still be possible to identify the actual cause of death.
6. For some comments on Richard’s capacity as an administrator during this protectorate see Burr, K. ‘Richard the Third as an Administrator: The Lord Protector.’ The Ricardian, 33 (1971), 5-8.
7. For example, Richard had loyally followed his brother into exile in Burgundy when events had turned against the king. They set sail on Tuesday 2 October 1470, with a small company including William, Lord Hastings (Kendall, 1955, p. 100).
Richard III and the Murder in the Tower Page 22
