by Dale Brown
“Yes, sir,” she said. She stepped over to Phoenix and asked in a low voice, “Want me to leak some details about that nuclear depth charge, Ken?”
“Later, after the meeting with the Leadership—they might even leak it first,” Phoenix replied sotto voce. In a normal voice he said, “Until then, tell the press we know about the explosion and we’re investigating. You can tell them we’re not getting any cooperation from the Chinese and they have recalled their ambassador.”
The phone on the president’s desk beeped. “The hot line with Beijing,” Phoenix told everyone in the Oval Office, and he picked it up. His surprised expression immediately got everyone’s attention. He put the call on hold. “This has to be some kind of speed record,” he said. “I don’t think Ambassador Li is even out of the White House yet.” He put the call on speakerphone, which activated the videoconference function. “I’m here with the vice president, the secretary of state, and my national security adviser. Go ahead, Mr. Gao.” Now the others had matching surprised expressions.
“Thank you for taking my call, President Phoenix,” acting president of China Gao Xudong said in excellent English. “I just spoke with Ambassador Li, and I felt it most important to speak with you directly.”
“That’s good, Mr. Gao,” the president said, “because as a result of our meeting with Ambassador Li I have ordered additional defensive weapons systems to be delivered to the Pacific theater of operations; I have ordered every known Chinese antiship ballistic missile pad to be targeted by long-range cruise missiles; and I am seeking a meeting with congressional leadership about approving funding for more ballistic missile defense systems. Everyone in this room fears that war with the People’s Republic of China is imminent. Tell me I’m wrong, Mr. Gao.”
“I called to avert exactly that scenario, Mr. President,” Gao said. “President Zhou ordered the attacks on the Vietnamese and Taiwanese warships, including the use of special weapons.”
“You mean nuclear weapons, Mr. Gao,” Ann said. “We had better be crystal clear about what we’re talking about here, don’t you agree, sir?”
“Quite so, Miss Vice President,” Gao said. “I agree completely. Yes, President Zhou had authorized the use of the long-range antiship cruise missile and the nuclear depth charge. He wanted to prove to the world that China was prepared to use all means necessary to protect and defend China’s sovereignty of the South China Sea.”
“You speak of President Zhou in the past tense, Mr. Gao,” Phoenix observed. “What has happened?”
“The president was forced to undergo medical treatment because of a deteriorating mental health condition that called into question his ability to make rational decisions on behalf of the people of China,” Gao said. “He was obsessed with keeping all foreigners, especially foreign warships, out of the first and second island chains, and he even decided to use nuclear weapons. His orders against the Taiwanese submarine had already been issued, but after I learned of the president’s orders, I notified the Politburo. They took the president away immediately. Unfortunately we were not in time to stop the depth charge attack on the submarine, but I believe we have stopped many more such attacks from happening. General Zu is cooperating completely. The Politburo appointed me president until the National People’s Congress can convene and elect a new president.”
“So you’re saying that Zhou was working alone, without any authority from the Politburo or Secretariat?” Secretary of State Kevich asked. “You are acknowledging that the People’s Liberation Army Navy attacked the Vietnamese warship and Taiwanese submarine, but the orders were given by Zhou without authority of the Politburo or Central Military Committee?”
“Exactly, Secretary Kevich,” Gao replied.
“What about the P-8 Poseidon patrol plane and the Coast Guard helicopters?” Phoenix asked. “Did he give the orders to have them shot down as well?”
“Unfortunately, President Phoenix, he did,” Gao replied without hesitation. “The patrol plane and the first helicopter were downed by an experimental high-power microwave weapon called ‘Silent Thunder’ mounted aboard the aircraft carrier Zhenyuan that temporarily cripples electronic signals. It is similar to weapons employed by the United States and Russia. Zhou was told that the P-8 aircraft had the capability of launching antiship cruise missiles, and he immediately ordered it to be brought down. The second helicopter was shot down by a carrier-based fighter because your helicopter was out of range of Silent Thunder. Zhou is plainly insane, Mr. President.”
“This is extraordinary,” Phoenix said, shaking his head in utter shock. “How in the world can anyone trust China ever again, Mr. Gao?”
“The heart of the matter here, sir, is countries who claim they have the right to explore for resources in the South Sea, and the militarization of the South Sea,” Gao said. “The issue of which country is permitted to explore for oil, gas, and other minerals in the South Sea is important for China. It is not fair for one or more countries deciding on its own to explore for oil and gas without consulting the other nations who claim that right. Similarly, countries who place armed troops on disputed islands in the South Sea without consulting others, or who used armed aircraft and warships to patrol within a nation’s territory, are not right and such actions lead to distrust, hostility, and conflict. If the practice is not stopped, we could see an arms race in the South Sea on a massive scale.”
“What is China’s position, Mr. Gao?” Phoenix asked.
“Our position, sir, is that all the waters and islands within the first island chain belong to China,” Gao said matter-of-factly. He correctly interpreted Phoenix’s and Page’s exasperated expressions. “However, unlike Zhou Qiang, there are those of us who understand that many other nations claim this territory as well under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. Our claim is based on historical and legal fact, which no one seems to care about or wants to discuss. But notwithstanding Zhou’s actions, there are many leaders in China who are patient and confident that a solution will be found. All must understand that hostile aircraft and vessels inside the two-hundred-kilometer economic exclusion zone represent a serious threat to all nations and must be kept away.”
“The UNCLOS treaty allows for unrestricted passage of any ship or aircraft outside of a country’s territorial waters—that’s twelve nautical miles,” Ann Page said. “China is a signatory to that treaty, sir.”
“I believe the twelve-mile limit was instituted because at the time that was the maximum range of shore bombardment guns aboard most warships,” Gao said. “In this age of cruise missiles and supersonic flight, twelve miles is a pittance, a matter of just a few seconds. Surely you understand that any military activity that might be considered hostile must take place outside the two-hundred-nautical-mile limit. This would include submerged submarines, armed aircraft, spy planes, and warships that are configured for battle, such as aircraft carriers with ready flight decks.”
President Phoenix looked at the vice president in surprise. “You seem very well prepared to discuss such a wide-sweeping policy, Mr. Gao,” he said.
“It is a matter of great importance to my people, sir,” Gao said. “Think of this, Mr. President: our Zheng He carrier battle group steams in toward New York, Washington, San Francisco, or New Orleans. We have forty supersonic stealth strike aircraft, dozens of nuclear cruise missiles, and guns that can fire a shell twenty miles with great precision. Eleven nautical miles off the coast it is considered hostile and is prohibited, but at thirteen miles it is not? I think the populations of all our coastal cities would be thankful if carrier battle groups stayed at least two hundred nautical miles away, not just twelve. Would you not agree, sir?”
President Phoenix nodded to the vice president. “Yes, I would,” he admitted.
“That is most excellent, sir,” Gao said. “I realize it will take many weeks or months—hopefully not longer—to get an international treaty signed, but I think it should be possible for our two nations to agree to th
is as a signal to all nations to work toward peace. Hostile aircraft and ships should stay at least two hundred nautical miles from our respective shores.”
“I’d like to discuss it with my entire national security staff, sir,” Phoenix said, “but if we are in agreement, I think such a restriction can be put in place while we consult with the Senate on a formal treaty.”
“Thank you, sir,” Gao said. “This has been a most unfortunate and, frankly, terrifying episode, Mr. President. I felt as if events were threatening to spin completely out of control. I hope we can plan a way forward that increases communication and cooperation between our countries so this never happens again.”
“I feel the same way, Mr. Gao,” Phoenix said. “Zàijiàn, Mr. Gao.”
“Good-bye to you too, sir,” Gao said. “Xièxiè.” And the connection was terminated.
Phoenix replaced the receiver on its cradle, then looked up at the others. “What do you make of that?” he asked.
“It makes me even more distrustful of the Chinese, sir,” Ann Page said. “They set off a nuke in the South China Sea, then expect us to just sign a piece of paper and back away? Why should the United States back away? We haven’t been attacking anyone in international waters!”
“I know, Ann, but it’s a start—we’re less likely to start a war on the high seas if all the warships stay away from each other,” Phoenix said. “Herbert?”
“I am extremely relieved and optimistic to hear from Gao Xudong, and grateful to him for his very complete explanation and for formulating a plan of action so quickly. It certainly eases my concerns.”
“I’m still not convinced, Herbert,” Ann said. “Just a few days after Tang and Zu announce strict rules about movement in the South China Sea, Gao completely reverses them?”
“It makes sense if what Gao said about Zhou is true,” Phoenix said. “If Zhou was calling all the shots without getting permission, he and Zu could have easily brought China to the brink all by themselves.”
“I don’t know Gao that well, sir,” Kevich said. “But he is Western educated, highly intelligent, and well respected all around the world. He appears to me a very capable vice president and will probably make a good president.”
“But does he have the stones to stand up to General Zu?” Ann asked.
“That I do not know, Miss Vice President,” Kevich said, his forehead wrinkling at the vice president’s salty language. “But he would not be allowed to reveal all he did without cooperation from the general staff. His admissions and presenting that plan were extraordinary, and he would never have been authorized to do it if the military wasn’t on board.” Ann Page still looked doubtful but said nothing.
“Bill?” the president asked.
“I’m with the vice president on this one, sir—this stinks to high heaven,” National Security Adviser Glenbrook said. “I think we should press ahead with everything you wanted to do before we got that call from Gao: beef up defenses in the western Pacific, send as many bombers and fighters as possible out there, and get ready for a fight.”
“That would not send a very cooperative signal, General Glenbrook,” Kevich said.
“The Chinese admitted they set off a nuke in the South China Sea—that doesn’t sound very cooperative either, Mr. Secretary,” Glenbrook said acidly. “We can still comply with everything Gao suggested: aerial patrols, transiting the South China Sea, exercises, port calls, and keep two hundred miles from port—except we build up our presence and defenses in the western Pacific, and do it quickly. Maybe China won’t be so ready to set off a nuke if we have a few fighter and bomber wings and a couple aircraft carrier battle groups nearby.”
“I still think that would be overly provocative, sir, given the admissions and conciliatory tone of President Gao’s call,” Kevich said.
President Phoenix thought about it for a few moments, then said, “I agree, Bill. Continue on with arming the western Pacific, but we’ll limit the patrols to unarmed aerial patrols and announce when we sail ships through the South China Sea. We can still look cooperative and continue beefing up our footprint out there.” To the vice president: “When that dispatch from Gao comes in, Ann, read it over and brief me on the high and low points. You can tell the press that we’re in direct contact with the highest levels of the Chinese government on a resolution to this incident.” Phoenix shook his head ruefully. “When the word of that nuclear depth charge attack gets out, I don’t know what’s going to happen. I just hope there’s not a massive international panic.”
OFFICE OF THE CHIEF OF THE GENERAL STAFF, BEIJING, CHINA
THAT SAME TIME
“Do you think he believed me, General?” Gao asked. He was in General Zu’s office on the computer that served as the videoconference hotline terminal to several capitals around the world. “He did not seem angry or confrontational at all.”
“I told you, Gao, the Americans do not want a fight in Asia,” Zu said, lighting a cigarette. “Since World War Two, the Americans have failed to win an Asian war, even with a powerful army and nuclear weapons and against vastly inferior forces.” He nodded his head to Gao. “But I have to admit: you were right, Gao,” he said. “Talking with the Americans and even admitting attacking their aircraft seems to have mollified them—you even had that spineless drone Phoenix speaking Mandarin! I thought he would take an hour cursing and swearing at us, and instead he was speaking Mandarin—awful Mandarin, but still Mandarin!”
Zu thought for a moment. “This should give us an opportunity to build our naval forces without fear of an American mobilization and blockade,” he said. “We should be completing the purchase of the French aircraft carrier Clemenceau shortly, and we can begin assembling its battle group and air wing. Then we will have three aircraft carrier battle groups within the first island chain, and the Americans will be lucky to sail just one. Our domination will be complete!”
THE WHITE HOUSE SITUATION ROOM
A FEW HOURS LATER
The Situation Room exploded in a storm of shouts and exclamations of disbelief and absolute shock from the civilian attendees; the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Joseph Collingsworth, shot to his feet. “China did what, Mr. President?” he cried. Along with the president, vice president, the secretaries of defense and state, the national security adviser, and the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, there were a group of senior congressional leaders of both political parties and the chairpersons and ranking members of the congressional military committees in attendance.
“All indications point to precisely that,” President Ken Phoenix said. “A Taiwanese attack submarine wanted to challenge China’s restrictions in the South China Sea; it approached one of China’s aircraft carrier battle groups; it was discovered and was attacked and destroyed with a nuclear depth charge. The yield was less than one kiloton—about one-twentieth the size of the bomb that was dropped on Hiroshima, and far smaller than the ones launched against our air and ICBM bases in the American Holocaust.”
“This is outrageous!” Diane M. Jamieson, majority leader of the U.S. Senate, exclaimed. Jamieson was the long-serving senator from Nevada who had served on several military committees in both the House and Senate and had as much knowledge of defense matters as almost anyone else in the room. “I don’t care what the yield was, Mr. President—the Chinese are again using nuclear weapons! What have we done in response? What is the DEFCON?”
“Right after we had confirmation that it was a nuclear depth charge, I ordered our forces to DEFCON Three,” Phoenix replied. “Since then we were able to place two more Ohio-class ballistic missile submarines out to sea last night, one in the Pacific and the other in the Atlantic Ocean.” A slide changed on the large electronic monitor at the head of the conference table, showing a map of the world marked with icons for submarines and aircraft. “That makes a total of three ballistic missile subs and one cruise missile sub in the Atlantic, and four ballistic missile subs and one cruise missile sub in the Pacific. In addition, we have
three B-2A Spirit stealth bombers and three B-52H Stratofortress bombers, dispersed to various air bases in the continental United States, being loaded now with nuclear gravity and standoff weapons to be placed on around-the-clock alert. The bombers already deployed to Guam only have conventional weapons, but we’re considering arming them with nuclear weapons as well. The aircraft carriers already at sea won’t be loaded with nuclear weapons, but the three that are in port getting ready for deployment can be armed.”
“That’s it?” Jamieson remarked, her blue eyes wide with disbelief. “That’s our nuclear strike force? I know most of our bombers and land-based ballistic missiles were destroyed in the American Holocaust, but where are all the submarines?”
“Normal patrols these days are usually six or seven subs total, split between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans, Senator Jamieson,” Secretary of Defense Fredrick Hayes said. “We’re lucky to be able to deploy the other two. The remaining subs are either undergoing maintenance, coming back from patrol, or getting ready to go out on patrol. The ones getting ready for patrol can be accelerated to get them out faster, perhaps in a day or two. Others may take as long as a month.”
“A month?” Joseph Collingsworth blurted out. Although a member of the House of Representatives almost as long as Jamieson, Collingsworth was relatively new to the top leadership position in the House and was not as knowledgeable of military or foreign affairs. “I didn’t realize what a sorry shape our military was.”
“Since we got into office we’ve been pushing for more military spending, primarily in long-range strike and space, Congressman,” Vice President Ann Page said. “But with tax receipts down, unemployment still high, and nondiscretionary spending through the roof, there’s no money available for the military unless other programs get cut first.”
