3. The Commission is troubled by what appears to be a propensity of management at Marshall to contain potentially serious problems and to attempt to resolve them internally rather than communicate them forward. This tendency is altogether at odds with the need for Marshall to function as part of a system working toward successful flight missions, interfacing and communicating with the other parts of the system that work to the same end.
4. The Commission concluded that the Thiokol Management reversed its position and recommended the launch of 51-L at the urging of Marshall and contrary to the views of its engineers in order to accommodate a major customer.
Findings
The Commission is concerned about three aspects of the ice-on-the-pad issue.
1. An analysis of all of the testimony and interviews establishes that Rockwell’s recommendation on launch was ambiguous. The Commission finds it difficult, as did Mr Aldrich, to conclude that there was a no-launch recommendation. Moreover, all parties were asked specifically to contact Aldrich or other NASA officials after the 9:00 Mission Management Team meeting and subsequent to the resumption of the countdown.
2. The Commission is also concerned about the NASA response to the Rockwell position at the 9:00 a.m. meeting. While it is understood that decisions have to be made in launching a Shuttle, the Commission is not convinced Levels I and II appropriately considered Rockwell’s concern about the ice. However ambiguous Rockwell’s position was, it is clear that they did tell NASA that the ice was an unknown condition. Given the extent of the ice on the pad, the admitted unknown effect of the Solid Rocket Motor and Space Shuttle Main Engines ignition on the ice, as well as the fact that debris striking the Orbiter was a potential flight safety hazard, the Commission finds the decision to launch questionable under those circumstances. In this situation, NASA appeared to be requiring a contractor to prove that it was not safe to launch, rather than proving it was safe. Nevertheless, the Commission has determined that the ice was not a cause of the 51-L accident and does not conclude that NASA’s decision to launch specifically overrode a no-launch recommendation by an element contractor.
3. The Commission concluded that the freeze protection plan for launch pad 39B was inadequate. The Commission believes that the severe cold and presence of so much ice on the fixed service structure made it inadvisable to launch on the morning of January 28, and that margins of safety were whittled down too far.
Additionally, access to the crew emergency slide wire baskets was hazardous due to ice conditions. Had the crew been required to evacuate the Orbiter on the launch pad, they would have been running on an icy surface. The Commission believes the crew should have been made aware of the condition; greater consideration should have been given to delaying the launch.
The Commission concluded that the causes of the accident were rooted in the Shuttle’s original design.
The Space Shuttle’s Solid Rocket Booster problem began with the faulty design of its joint and increased as both NASA and contractor management first failed to recognize it as a problem, then failed to fix it and finally treated it as an acceptable flight risk.
Morton Thiokol, Inc., the contractor, did not accept the implication of tests early in the program that the design had a serious and unanticipated flaw. NASA did not accept the judgment of its engineers that the design was unacceptable, and as the joint problems grew in number and severity NASA minimized them in management briefings and reports. Thiokol’s stated position was that “the condition is not desirable but is acceptable.”
Neither Thiokol nor NASA expected the rubber O-rings sealing the joints to be touched by hot gases of motor ignition, much less to be partially burned. However, as tests and then flights confirmed damage to the sealing rings, the reaction by both NASA and Thiokol was to increase the amount of damage considered “acceptable.” At no time did management either recommend a redesign of the joint or call for the Shuttle’s grounding until the problem was solved.
Finally the Commission concluded that:
The genesis of the Challenger accident – the failure of the joint of the right Solid Rocket Motor – began with decisions made in the design of the joint and in the failure by both Thiokol and NASA’s Solid Rocket Booster project office to understand and respond to facts obtained during testing.
The Commission has concluded that neither Thiokol nor NASA responded adequately to internal warnings about the faulty seal design. Furthermore, Thiokol and NASA did not make a timely attempt to develop and verify a new seal after the initial design was shown to be deficient. Neither organization developed a solution to the unexpected occurrences of O-ring erosion and blow-by even though this problem was experienced frequently during the Shuttle flight history. Instead, Thiokol and NASA management came to accept erosion and blow-by as unavoidable and an acceptable flight risk. Specifically, the Commission has found that:
1. The joint test and certification program was inadequate. There was no requirement to configure the qualifications test motor as it would be in flight, and the motors were static tested in a horizontal position, not in the vertical flight position.
2. Prior to the accident, neither NASA nor Thiokol fully understood the mechanism by which the joint sealing action took place.
3. NASA and Thiokol accepted escalating risk apparently because they “got away with it last time.” As Commissioner Feynman observed, the decision making was:
“a kind of Russian roulette . . . (The Shuttle) flies (with O-ring erosion) and nothing happens. Then it is suggested, therefore, that the risk is no longer so high for the next flights. We can lower our standards a little bit because we got away with it last time. You got away with it, but it shouldn’t be done over and over again like that.”
4. NASA’s system for tracking anomalies for Flight Readiness Reviews failed in that, despite a history of persistent O-ring erosion and blow-by, flight was still permitted. It failed again in the strange sequence of six consecutive launch constraint waivers prior to 51-L, permitting it to fly without any record of a waiver, or even of an explicit constraint. Tracking and continuing only anomalies that are “outside the data base” of prior flight allowed major problems to be removed from and lost by the reporting system.
5. The O-ring erosion history presented to Level I at NASA Headquarters in August 1985 was sufficiently detailed to require corrective action prior to the next flight.
6. A careful analysis of the flight history of O-ring performance would have revealed the correlation of O-ring damage and low temperature. Neither NASA nor Thiokol carried out such an analysis; consequently, they were unprepared to properly evaluate the risks of launching the 51-L mission in conditions more extreme than they had encountered before.
The Commission found that safety standards at NASA had declined since the Apollo program:
1. Reductions in the safety, reliability and quality assurance work force at Marshall and NASA Headquarters have seriously limited capability in those vital functions.
2. Organizational structures at Kennedy and Marshall have placed safety, reliability and quality assurance offices under the supervision of the very organizations and activities whose efforts they are to check.
3. Problem reporting requirements are not concise and fail to get critical information to the proper levels of management.
4. Little or no trend analysis was performed on O-ring erosion and blow-by problems.
5. As the flight rate increased, the Marshall safety, reliability and quality assurance work force was decreasing, which adversely affected mission safety.
6. Five weeks after the 51-L accident, the criticality of the Solid Rocket Motor field joint was still not properly documented in the problem-reporting system at Marshall.
The Commission found that the system had come under additional pressure:
With the 1982 completion of the orbital flight test series, NASA began a planned acceleration of the Space Shuttle launch schedule. One early plan contemplated an eventual rate of a mission a week,
but realism forced several downward revisions. In 1985, NASA published a projection calling for an annual rate of 24 flights by 1990. Long before the Challenger accident, however, it was becoming obvious that even the modified goal of two flights a month was overambitious.
In establishing the schedule, NASA had not provided adequate resources for its attainment. As a result, the capabilities of the system were strained by the modest nine-mission rate of 1985, and the evidence suggests that NASA would not have been able to accomplish the 14 flights scheduled for 1986. These are the major conclusions of a Commission examination of the pressures and problems attendant upon the accelerated launch schedule.
In detail the Commission found that:
1. The capabilities of the system were stretched to the limit to support the flight rate in winter 1985/1986. Projections into the spring and summer of 1986 showed a clear trend: the system, as it existed, would have been unable to deliver crew training software for scheduled flights by the designated dates. The result would have been an unacceptable compression of the time available for the crews to accomplish their required training.
2. Spare parts are in critically short supply. The Shuttle program made a conscious decision to postpone spare parts procurements in favor of budget items of perceived higher priority. Lack of spare parts would likely have limited flight operations in 1986.
3. Stated manifesting policies are not enforced. Numerous late manifest changes (after the cargo integration review) have been made to both major payloads and minor payloads throughout the Shuttle program.
Late changes to major payloads or program requirements can require extensive resources (money, manpower, facilities) to implement.
If many late changes to “minor” payloads occur, resources are quickly absorbed.
Payload specialists frequently were added to a flight well after announced deadlines.
Late changes to a mission adversely affect the training and development of procedures for subsequent missions.
4. The scheduled flight rate did not accurately reflect the capabilities and resources.
The flight rate was not reduced to accommodate periods of adjustment in the capacity of the work force. There was no margin in the system to accommodate unforeseen hardware problems.
Resources were primarily directed toward supporting the flights and thus not enough were available to improve and expand facilities needed to support a higher flight rate.
5. Training simulators may be the limiting factor on the flight rate: the two current simulators cannot train crews for more than 12–15 flights per year.
6. When flights come in rapid succession, current requirements do not ensure that critical anomalies occurring during one flight are identified and addressed appropriately before the next flight.
The Commission noted that engine testing had been reduced:
The Space Shuttle Main Engine teams at Marshall and Rocketdyne have developed engines that have achieved their performance goals and have performed extremely well. Nevertheless the main engines continue to be highly complex and critical components of the Shuttle that involve an element of risk principally because important components of the engines degrade more rapidly with flight use than anticipated. Both NASA and Rocketdyne have taken steps to contain that risk. An important aspect of the main engine program has been the extensive “hot fire” ground tests. Unfortunately, the vitality of the test program has been reduced because of budgetary constraints.
The number of engine test firings per month has decreased over the past two years. Yet this test program has not yet demonstrated the limits of engine operation parameters or included tests over the full operating envelope to show full engine capability. In addition, tests have not yet been deliberately conducted to the point of failure to determine actual engine operating margins.
The members of the Commission included former astronauts, Neil Armstrong and Sally Ride, and the former test pilot, General Charles Yeager, as well as scientists and lawyers.
Mir: introduction
The last and biggest of the Soviet space stations was Mir (Mir means “Peace”).
Mir was launched by Proton booster on 20 February 1986. The first module was the base unit which contained the command centre and the living quarters. The Kvant astrophysics laboratory was added in 1987, while another module, Kvant 2, was added in November 1989; Kvant 2 included a new toilet and shower. The Kristall module followed six months later.
On 21 December 1987 the Soviet cosmonauts, Colonel Vladimir Titov and Muso Manarov, began a record endurance flight of 366 days aboard Mir and their Soyuz TM-4. At that time the space station only consisted of the base unit and the Kvant astrophysics module. The two cosmonauts returned on 21 December 1988.
When the Soviet Union dissolved in 1991 Russia inherited most of the Soviet Space program, parts of which were located in other states of the former Soviet Union – for example, the automatic docking system was made in the Ukraine. Having to buy or lease facilities and equipment added to the financial difficulties of supporting their space program.
They had to cancel many projects, including their own version of the space shuttle, the “Buran” and their fleet of communications vessels was laid up. Consequently they could not maintain continuous communications with their space stations.
In June 1992 US President George Bush and Russian President Boris Yeltsin agreed to a pioneering space-co-operation agreement. One American astronaut would fly aboard the Mir space station; two Russian cosmonauts would fly aboard the US space shuttle.
In September 1993 US Vice-President Al Gore and Russian Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin announced plans for Russia to help the US build a new International Space Station. As part of this agreement, NASA agreed to pay the Russian Space Agency $400 million to send five (later seven) astronauts to live aboard the Mir space station.
George Abbey was the NASA Director of Flight Operations involved in the development of the idea of merging the US and Russian Space Station programs. The program which was agreed was in three phases:
Phase One was a form of dress rehearsal consisting of seven four-and-a-half-month missions aboard the aging Russian space station Mir running from 1995 until mid 1998.
Phase Two would begin late in 1998 when the US and Russia would launch and lift the modules and components of a new International Space Station (ISS) requiring 43 separate missions, all assembled by EVA.
Phase Three would be the actual operation of the International Space Station (ISS).
Dangerous, emergency EVA aboard Mir
Burrough:
On 17 July 1990 two cosmonauts, Anatoli Solovyov and Aleksandr Balandin were on the Mir space station. They needed to repair loose thermal blankets on their Soyuz capsule before they could return to earth. To do this they had to make an emergency EVA. Neither had been specially trained for space walking. Their preparation had consisted of watching some videotapes of training in the swimming pool at the Star City cosmonaut training centre. They used Mir’s Kvant 2 airlock to exit.
Before exiting the hatch, they had taken a pressure reading in the airlock. Either their handheld pressure gauge malfunctioned, or they misread it, because when they bent to open the hatch, there was still some air remaining in the airlock. The hatch immediately slammed outward on its hinges with terrific force.
The two cosmonauts then proceeded with the EVA, which proved dicier than anyone had expected. Fixing the thermal blankets took far longer than anticipated, and the spacewalk degenerated into a repair marathon that stretched past six hours. The space suits Solovyov and Balandin wore had only been rated for six and a half hours of use; when the two cosmonauts reached that point, the ground urgently ordered them to return to the airlock. Leaving their tools and ladders at the work site, Solovyov and Balandin were forced to scramble back across the length of Kvant 2 in total darkness, an exceedingly dangerous transit.
It was only when they reached the airlock and crawled inside that Solovyov realized the hinge had be
en damaged. The hatch wouldn’t close behind them. By this point the cosmonauts had been in a vacuum for nearly seven hours, and it was imperative that they find a way back inside the station. Clambering back outside the airlock, they tried the seldom-used backup airlock farther down Kvant 2, which to their relief opened and closed behind them. The EVA lasted seven hours and sixteen minutes.
The outer hatch, however, remained open to space. Solovyov and Balandin tried to fix it during a second spacewalk a week later, but it still wouldn’t close tightly. Then they discovered that a piece of the hinge cover had broken and lodged between the hatch and its frame. Removing the broken piece, they were finally able to close and repressurize the hatch. Several months later a new team of cosmonauts returned and found the hatch impossible to permanently repair. Instead they attached a set of clamps to secure it in place.
Hubble’s troubles
In 1962 the US National Academy of Sciences proposed building a large telescope that would allow astronomers to study the universe. The new telescope would be placed in orbit which would enable it to make observations free from atmospheric interference. The Hubble Space Telescope (HST) was named after Edwin Hubble, in 1929 who had observed that distant galaxies were moving away from us therefore the universe was expanding.
In 1977 the US Congress approved funding for the HST and construction of the telescope began.
In 1981 the Baltimore, Maryland-based Space Telescope Science Institute (STScI) became operational and the precision-ground mirror of the telescope was completed.
In 1985, construction of the entire HST was completed and the ground control facility for the telescope was established at the Space Telescope Operations Control Center in Goddard.
The Hubble Space Telescope should have resolving power ten times better than any ground-based telescope. It should be able to see objects which are fifty times fainter. In addition it would be able to observe wavelengths which are not detectable from the ground, particularly ultraviolet.
The Mammoth Book of Space Exploration and Disaster Page 37
