by Allen Drury
“I would suggest,” he said calmly, as Arly Richardson rose to his feet with the obvious intention of challenging him, “that the nominations for the Cabinet be referred to the appropriate committees, for consideration and reporting back at the earliest possible opportunity, as the President needs his official family confirmed and fully operative just as soon as possible. Mr. President, I so move.”
“I second that motion,” Senator Richardson said with satisfaction.
“Without objection,” Cullee said, “it is so ordered.”
“The nomination I wish to call up,” Senator Munson said, “is that of a most distinguished American who is already at work on the difficult task assigned her by the President—Mrs. Edward M. Jason, Ambassador to the United Nations. I move the Senate approve this nomination, Mr. President.”
“Mr. President,” Arly Richardson said sharply. “Now, Mr. President, just—a—minute, if you please. The distinguished Senator from Michigan is very adept at sliding over things, but he cannot slide over the fact that all three—not two, but three—of the subjects requiring action today are inextricably tied together. The first is Mrs. Jason’s nomination. The second is the choice of a Majority Leader. The third is the request for a supplemental defense appropriation. All three go to the fundamental issue that faces this Senate and this country today: are we for war or are we for peace? They cannot be separated from that issue, Mr. President, and I for one am not going to let the Senator from Michigan separate them. What we vote on one we should vote on the others. Up or down, we should decide, insofar as our responsibility lies in this Senate, the war issue. It is the thread that ties them together.
“Basing my judgment on that proposition, Mr. President, I want my colleagues to know that I shall vote against the nomination of Mrs. Jason, as I shall vote against a war candidate for Majority Leader, and as I shall vote against a supplemental appropriation for defense which can only be used to encourage the President in further military adventurism.
“I say this should be stopped.
“I shall cast my votes to stop it.
“I urge my colleagues, particularly my new colleagues, to do likewise.”
“Mr. President,” Bob Munson said, allowing a little calculated asperity to creep into his tone, “the Senator from Arkansas in his usual kindly fashion has laid about him with a truncheon, or possibly a trowel, and managed to damage a fine lady and a great American in the process. The appointment of Mrs. Jason has nothing to do with any so-called ‘war issue.’ It is simply a recognition by the President of her own great abilities—and of the fact, I will remind the Senator, that she is the widow of one whose policies the Senator and many others in this Senate professed to think very highly of, not so long ago.”
“She has not espoused those policies for months,” Arly Richardson reminded him sharply, “if she ever did. After her husband’s death she devoted herself wholeheartedly to the pro-war campaign of the President. At this moment she is in New York advocating the pro-war policies of the President. She has permitted herself to become the handmaiden of Orrin Knox’s ill-advised ventures. She is now a strictly partisan person. He means war, she means war. I will vote accordingly.”
“Mr. President,” Tom August of Minnesota said in his hesitant, almost timorous way, “will the distinguished Majority Leader yield to me?”
“I am always glad to yield to the distinguished chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee,” Bob Munson said amiably, “if he will be brief.”
“Oh, I shall,” Senator August said hastily. “I simply want to assure the Majority Leader that I fully support his endorsement of Mrs. Jason, and while this procedure of calling up her nomination without referral to committee is unusual, still I think the circumstances and her own fine character warrant it. I shall vote for her because I think it important for the President to have the person he wants as Ambassador to the United Nations. I do not say this as any endorsement of his policies in the present crisis, which perturb me very much, I will say frankly to the Majority Leader, but because he naturally wants someone in that post who will support him. If not Mrs. Jason, then it would be someone else equally devoted to his program. So I really think this nomination stands quite apart from any war or anti-war issue. I believe we are lucky to have someone as fine as Mrs. Jason to represent the United States in the UN. I urge my colleagues to approve her speedily and without further debate.”
“Oh, no, Mr. President!” Arly Richardson cried, and from many places around the floor and in the packed galleries (where a sizable scattering of NAWAC’s black-jacketed hearties could be seen) there came murmurs of dismay and discontent. “Not so fast, now! I am amazed, I will say to my dear old colleague from Minnesota, absolutely amazed that he would capitulate so fast and so completely to the further step toward foreign entanglement which this nomination represents. We must stop it, Senators! We must stop it at once! The peace of the world hangs in the balance this day, and we must not let Orrin Knox move further down the road toward its destruction. He means war: Mrs. Jason means war. It is as simple as that.
“Mr. President, I move we vote on this nomination without further ado, overwhelmingly defeat it, and place the Senate on record irrevocably on the side of peace!”
A dozen Senators were on their feet demanding recognition, the galleries burst into an excited gabble, the chamber filled with sound chaotic, argumentative, angry, hostile. For a split second the Vice President hesitated. Then he said to himself, Come on now, old Cullee, you’re it! and banged down the gavel as hard as he could.
“The Senate and the galleries,” he said in a voice so loud and emphatic that it startled the room momentarily into silence, “will be in order! This is not a mob scene here!”
(“Well, get him” the St. Louis Post-Dispatch murmured with a startled irony to the Boston Globe. “Little Cullee’s in the big league now,” the Globe agreed: “Massah, lif’ dat bale!”)
“The Majority Leader still has the floor,” the Vice President said, more calmly. “What is his pleasure?”
“Mr. President—” Bob Munson began thoughtfully. Then he stopped, cast a quick glance across his restless colleagues and changed tactics without losing a beat. “Why,” he said reasonably, “I think the Senator from Arkansas is entirely right. In ten minutes here we have had presented the basic arguments for and against this nomination. You either think the President and Mrs. Jason are working for peace or you don’t. You either think the President has a right to choose his official family or you don’t. I’m sure most minds are made up. Sure: why don’t we vote?”
“Mr. President,” Arly Richardson demanded, clearly upset by what appeared to be an abrupt capitulation. “Is this some sort of trick?”
“The Senator is ridiculous,” Bob Munson said, turning his back upon him and facing the chair. “One minute ago he was demanding a vote. Now I agree and he gets suspicious. This is leadership material? Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum, and I shall then renew my request for a vote.”
And presently, after ninety-nine Senators had again been found to be present, and after the chamber had quieted down to a tense silence, he renewed the motion and the vote came: an extremely clear indication, he knew with an inward sigh when it was over, of exactly what Orrin faced on the Hill this day.
“I have been informed by the Secretary-General,” said Australia, this month’s president of the Security Council, as the session finally, after usual delays, came to order at 12:45 p.m., “that our charming new colleague from the United States has just been confirmed by the Senate. Congratulations, Madam Ambassador.”
And he applauded vigorously, beaming across the circular table in a kindly way, while at his side the Secretary-General, that stately, tired old man from Nigeria, and a few others of their colleagues, did the same. Nikolai Zworkyan of Russia, Sun Kwon-yu of the People’s Republic of China and the ambassadors of Cuba, Egypt, Ghana and Zambia ostentatiously refrained.
“Thank you, Mr. President,” she sa
id pleasantly, “I hope I may be worthy of the honor.”
“If there is honor to be found,” the Soviet Ambassador remarked, not looking up from the papers he appeared to be reading on the desk before him, his level words like a deliberate physical slap in the face, “in representing a dishonorable cause.”
“Mr. President!” Lord Maudulayne and Krishna Khaleel said together in shocked tones, and from his chair, slightly behind and to the right of Ceil’s, Lafe said, with no attempt at muffling it, “Son of a bitch!” An excited thrill ran through the crowded press seats and the overflowing public galleries. Everyone expected blood on this afternoon when the arrogant United States would surely be humbled, but no one had expected it quite so soon. It promised to be, as the Guardian murmured cheerfully to Paris-Soir, a real fun time at the good old Nations-Unis.
“The Ambassador of the Soviet Union,” Australia said severely, “if he cannot behave like a gentleman, might at least behave like a diplomat.”
“Mr. President,” Nikolai Zworkyan said in a blandly impervious tone that would have done credit to all the shrewd mechanical men who had spouted their rigid ideology from that chair before him, “the Ambassador of the Soviet Union sits here as the enthusiastic choice of his government. He does not sit here as the 51-to-48 choice of the United States Senate, an Ambassador by only three votes. Possibly,” he said with an unctuous little bow in Ceil’s general direction, “that gives him a somewhat greater reason for being listened to in this chamber.”
For a moment Ceil gave him a thoughtful glance. Her color was high but her voice when she spoke was fully under control.
“Mr. President,” she said in a clear, steady tone, “I was told when I took this job that there might be tigers in the path. I was not told that there would be vermin.”
There was a gasp from all around the room, sudden boos from Zambia, Rumania and Ghana, a wave of hisses from the galleries. She only raised her head a little higher and went on.
“On behalf of my government I send to the Chair a resolution and ask for its immediate consideration by the Security Council.”
“Mr. President,” the Soviet Ambassador cried, “that is completely irregular, Mr. President! The delegate of the United States should introduce her resolution and give us time to study it, Mr. President. She should not try to spring it upon us when we are unsuspecting and unprepared! It should lie over for twenty-four hours, Mr. President! I so move, Mr. President, and ask for an immediate vote on the motion!”
“Mr. President!” Egypt, Cuba and Rumania cried together, and “Mr. President!” Lord Maudulayne, Krishna Khaleel and Raoul Barre cried with equal vigor.
“The distinguished delegate of France,” Australia said promptly. Raoul leaned forward with a sort of bored weariness that brought him immediate attention, as he intended it should.
“Mr. President,” he said, “does it occur to no one, including the Soviet Ambassador, that we should at least find out what we are being called to vote upon? I would like to know, at least, what the United States proposes. Is that small boon permissible, I will ask the Soviet Ambassador?”
“It is irregular, Mr. President!” Nikolai Zworkyan said angrily. “It is completely irregular, what is being proposed here by the delegate of the United States and supported by the delegate of France! I oppose it, Mr. President, I oppose it!”
“Must I,” Raoul inquired in the same bored tone, “go so far as to make a formal motion that the resolution of the United States be read to the Council—and we will then have to vote on that? I would assume such pettifogging to be beyond the reach even of the delegate of the Soviet Union, Mr. President. But I will so move if he forces me.”
“Well,” Zworkyan said, glowering about with a carefully calculated air of indignation, “the Soviet Union does not choose to engage in that scurrilous type of debate, Mr. President. The Soviet Union believes the issues here are too grave for that type of thing. The delegate of France may indulge himself in name-calling and hostile words, Mr. President, but we will not!”
“Christ,” Lafe said, again making no attempt to keep his voice down. “What a hypocrite!”
“The Chair,” Australia said hastily, “will ask the Secretary-General to read the resolution of the United States for the information of the Council.”
And after waiting a moment to make sure that the Soviet Ambassador would indeed conclude the bluster and subside, as everyone expected, the Secretary-General read in his clipped British-American accent:
“Whereas, the armed forces of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the People’s Republic of China have today launched unprovoked aggressions in the nations of Panama and Gorotoland, and whereas such unprovoked aggressions interfere with attempts to negotiate a peaceful settlement of those two conflicts, and are a major and obvious threat to world peace; and,
“Whereas, the government of the United States, acting in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, has accordingly taken steps to strengthen the chances for world peace and enhance the opportunities for meaningful negotiations in those two countries by opposing the unprovoked aggressions of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the People’s Republic of China; and,
“Whereas, the President of the United States in his Inaugural Address called upon the Heads of Government of the People’s Republic of China and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to meet with him in Geneva to negotiate peaceful settlements of outstanding world problems; and,
“Whereas, the Heads of Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the People’s Republic of China have not yet signified their intention to attend such a meeting in the interests of world peace:
“Now, therefore, be it resolved:
“That the Security Council endorses the actions of the United States in seeking to strengthen world peace and enhance the opportunities for meaningful negotiations in Gorotoland and Panama, and calls upon the Heads of Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the People’s Republic of China to meet forthwith in Geneva with the President of the United States and begin at once meaningful and constructive negotiations looking toward peaceful solutions of the outstanding issues which threaten world peace and the future of mankind.”
(“Incredible arrogance!” the New Statesman and Nation told the Times of India. “Unbelievable effrontery!” the Times of India told the New Statesman and Nation.)
“Mr. President,” Ceil said quietly, “I move the Council now vote on the resolution of the United States.”
“Mr. President!” Nikolai Zworkyan exclaimed angrily. “Mr. President, such incredible arrogance, such unbelievable effrontery! I do not see how the Security Council can tolerate it for one minute, Mr. President! Accordingly”—and for a brief second, like a tiny gleam of light in his theatrically thunderous face, a self-satisfied little smile broke through and disappeared again—“the Soviet Union has no choice but to offer its own resolution. Mr. President, I call up the resolution of the U.S.S.R. introduced this morning, ask the Secretary-General to read it, offer it as an amendment to the resolution of the United States and request an immediate vote.”
And with an air of triumph he made no attempt to conceal, he rose briskly, walked around the table, placed a copy of his resolution smartly on the desk in front of Australia and returned to his seat. Sun Kwon-yu of China watched with a bland, impassive face.
“The bastard’s in order,” Lafe leaned forward to whisper angrily in Ceil’s ear, “but protest it.”
“Mr. President!” she said quickly. “Mr. President, the United States objects to this obvious attempt to deny the Security Council a chance to vote on the merits of our resolution. We protest this unprincipled attempt to …”
“Madam Ambassador,” Australia interrupted regretfully but firmly as a little rustle of scornful laughter swept the room, “I am afraid the delegate of the Soviet Union is entirely in order. I am afraid I must ask the Secretary-General to read the text of the Soviet resolution.”
&nbs
p; And after a moment, as Ceil sat slowly back in her chair and turned upon Nikolai Zworkyan a thoughtful, sardonic gaze, the dignified old man obliged again:
“Whereas, the government of the United States has been guilty of consistent violations of world peace in the countries of Gorotoland and Panama; and,
“Whereas, these unprovoked aggressions and acts of war by the government of the United States have continued for many months in direct defiance of the United Nations and its coordinate bodies, the Security Council and the General Assembly; and,
“Whereas, the United Nations and its coordinate bodies have several times attempted to restrain and terminate these aggressions and acts of war by the government of the United States, only to be thwarted by vetoes of the government of the United States in the Security Council and open defiance of obvious overwhelming sentiment in the General Assembly; and,
“Whereas, the governments of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the People’s Republic of China, determining that as peace-loving democratic states they must come to the aid of this body in the face of United States war aggressions, have proceeded to take such necessary steps as they deem advisable to repel such aggressions and restore world peace in Gorotoland and Panama:
“Now, therefore, be it resolved:
“That the United Nations, acting through the Security Council, does approve, endorse and support the necessary steps taken by the People’s Republic of China and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to halt United States aggression against world peace, and pledges its support in all ways required to assist the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the People’s Republic of China in maintaining world peace and order in Gorotoland, Panama and all other areas of the world where peace is threatened by aggressive designs of the government of the United States;
