Acknowledgments,
References, and
Notes
Culture and Nature
I am preparing a more technical volume (Harris, 1979)* to clarify my general philosophical and scientific premises in relationship to alternative paradigms. An earlier work (Harris, 1968) tells the story of the development of cultural materialism up to the 1960’s. The specific theme of this book—the relating of cultural evolution to intensification and depletions—closely resembles the theoretical position of Michael Harner (1970). Other scholars who have preceded me in emphasizing the relationship between intensification and cultural evolution are Ester Boserup (1965), Robert Carneiro (1970), Brian Spooner (1972), Philip Smith (1972), Colin Renfrew (1974), Richard Wilkinson (1973), M.N. Cohen (1975), and Malcolm Webb (1975). Major differences of definition, emphasis, and scope separate my own approach from all of these predecessors. However, if any or all of them see in what I have written an exact duplicate of a theory which they can call their own, I shall be happy to acknowledge their priority in its formulation. For an overview of cultural differences and similarities see my textbook (Harris, 1974).
Murders in Eden
For a description of contemporary hunter-collectors see Lee and De Vore (1968) and Bicchieri (1972). See Steward (1955) and Service (1968) for surplus above subsistence theory. For the accomplishments of the upper paleolithic see Prideaux (1973) and Marshack (1972). Marshall Sahlins (1972) says hunter-collectors are the “original affluent society.” See Butzer (1971) for the relationship between ice age ecology and culture. On work patterns see Lee (1968, 1969), Johnson (1975), and Edmondson (1976); for the Mehinacu see Gregor (1969). Hunter-collectors’ preadaptation to agriculture is discussed by Cohen (1975, p. 82 ff). For hunter-collector density data see Kroeber (1939), Lee (1968), and David (1973). On stone age demography, disease, and health see Hassan (1973, 1975), Cockburn (1971), Wood (1975), Armelagos and McArdle (1975), Black (1975), Livingstone (1968), Dumond (1975), Boyd (1972), Howell (in press), Birdsell (1968, 1972), and Coale (1974). On abortion and mechanical and chemical contraceptives see Devereux (1955) and Nurge (1975). On geronticide see Hoebel (1954, pp. 76–79) and Warner (1937). For infanticide see Dickeman (1975a), Balikci (1967), Chagnon (1968), and Freeman (1971). On carrying infants see Lee (1972). For lactation method see Frisch and McArthur (1974), Frisch (1975), Kolata (1974), Van Ginneken (1974), and Divale and Harris (1976).
The Origin of Agriculture
Most archaeologists refer to the Levant, Egypt, Anatolia, and Mesopotamia as the Near East. I have used the term “Middle East” to designate this region in keeping with geopolitical usage. On scavenging see Shipman and Phillips-Conroy (1977) and Brain (in press)., See Butzer (1971, 1975) and Flannery (1969) for postglacial changes. For the pleistocene megafauna problem in the New World see MacNeish (in press); the quote is from Mosimann and Martin (1975, p. 308). I am grateful to Richard MacNeish for permitting me to use his manuscript Energy and Culture in Ancient Tehuacan. See also MacNeish (1972) and the reports of the Tehuacán Valley Project of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology. For early Middle Eastern domestication I have relied on Flannery (1973), David Harris (in press), Harlan (in press), Zohary and Hopf (1973), Ducos (1969), and Chaplin (1969). Flannery (1973, p. 284) believes in the mysterious changes. For neolithic rates of population growth see Carneiro and Hilse (1966), Smith and Young (1972), and Butzer (1976). For Andean domestication of animals see Pires-Ferreira et al. (1976). I am aware of the possibility that agriculture involving rice, root crops, and tree crops may have originated independently in Southeast Asia. If so, the specific model I have been using would have to be modified—but not discarded. See Solheim (1970), Vishnu-Mittre (in press), Harlan (in press), David Harris (in press). An independent origin for agriculture seems likely for China, but this would strengthen the model if it is substantiated. See Ping-ti Ho (1975).
The Origin of War
For peaceful cultures see Lesser (1968); on the archaeology of violence see Roper (1969, 1975). For hunter-collector war see Divale (1972). For anthropology of war see Fried et al. (1968) and Nettleship et al. (1975). The Tiwi are described by Hart and Pilling (1960); the Murngin, by Warner (1930); the Dani, by Heider (1972). For the social solidarity function of war see Wright (1965) and Wedgwood (1930). For war as play see Lowie (1954). Robert Ardrey is a popular advocate of war as human nature. See Montagu (1976) for a thorough review and refutation of this position. For dispersion effects see Vayda (1961, 1971). The quote is from Birdsell (1972, pp. 357–58). See Livingstone (1968) for effects of modern war on population. See Divale and Harris (1976) for evidence on links between war and female infanticide. For the role of women in production see Morren (1974) and Lee (1969).
Proteins and the Fierce People
Quotes are from Chagnon (1974, pp. 127, 194–195). For settlement size see Lathrap (1973) and Meggers (1971). For sex ratios see Chagnon (1973, p. 135), Lizot (1971), and Smole (1976). The quote about fighting over women is from Chagnon (1968b, p. 151); about peripheral villages (1968b, p. 114). The next quote is from Lizot (1971, pp. 34–35). See Neel and Weiss (1975) and Chagnon (1975). See Smole (1976) for history of Yanomamo contacts with Europeans. The earlier quote is from Chagnon (1968, p. 33). For the discussion of animal protein in the tropical forest I am greatly indebted to Daniel Gross (1975), Eric Ross (1976), and Jane Ross (1971). My source for U.S. animal protein is Pimentel et al. (1975, p. 754). The quote is from Smole (1976, p. 175). Helena Valero’s story is in Biocca (1970). See also Siskind (1973).
The Origin of Male Supremacy and of the Oedipus Complex
See Reed (1975) for an exhumation. For attempts to show that women’s subordination has been overemphasized see Friedl (1967), Sweet (1967), Lamphere (1975), Hoffer (1975), and Reiter (1975). For attacks on male blinders see Kaberry (1970) and Linton (1973). The statistics from Murdock refer to the computer punch card version of the Ethnographic Atlas. See also Murdock (1967). The standard work on kinship and marriage is Murdock (1949). On the Nagovisi see Nash (1974). The term “dowry” is also sometimes applied to a woman’s share of parental inheritance given to her at marriage. This should be called anticipatory inheritance rather than dowry. See Lévi-Strauss (1969). For more on asymmetric institutions see the Introduction to Rosaldo and Lamphere (1974) and Friedl (1975). For Iroquois warfare I have relied on Scheele (1950) and Morgan (1962). See Divale (1975) and Divale et al. (1976) for matrilocality and external warfare. The quote on Iroquois marriage is from Morgan (1962, p. 325). On Iroquois women see Brown (1975). On pas-toralism see Salzman (1971). The errant feminist is quoted by Scheele (1950, p. 48). The next quote is from Morgan (1962, p. 324). The next quote is from Brown (1975, pp. 240–41). On the Oedipus complex see Hall and Lindzey (1967), Barnouw (1973), and Malinowski (1927). For a good example of the inverted causal priorities of Freudianism see Walsh and Scandalis (1975).
The Origin of Pristine States
I am grateful to Morton Fried (see especially Fried, 1967) and to Barbara Price (especially Price, 1977) for long-term assistance in thinking about the origin of the state. See Webb (1975) for a discussion of the regions in which pristine states may have developed. Redistribution as a form of exchange was originally defined by the economist Karl Polanyi and introduced into anthropology by Polanyi et al. (1957). The link between redistribution and social stratification was suggested first by Marshall Sahlins (1958). For quotes about mumis, see Oliver (1955, pp. 439, 411, 399, 421). See Hogbin (1964) for Kaoka “big men.” On Trobrianders see Malinowski (1920, 1922, 1935) and Uberoi (1962). See Renfrew (1973) for comparisons between Cherokee and European “henge” cultures. The quotes on the Bun-yoro are from Beattie (1960, pp. 34, 36). My scenario for the evolution of pristine states draws upon Carneiro (1970) but rejects “social” circumscription as an alternative to ecological circumscription. Webb’s (1975) scenario is closest to mine. For population estimates see Butzer (1976) and Sanders (1972). See Briffault (1963) for matrilineal argument. See Renfrew (197
3) for “fat ladies.”
The Pre-Columbian States of Mesoamerica
For examples of the romantic approach see Morley and Brainerd (1956), Thompson (1954), Coe (1968), and Covarrubias (1957). I have relied on Willey (1966) and Weaver (1972) for my basic facts about Mesoamerican prehistory. My ecological interpretations would not have been possible without the synthesis proposed by William Sanders and Barbara Price (1968). See Grennes-Ravitz and Coleman (1966) and Hammond (1974). For Maya population estimates see Haviland (1969), Sanders (1972), and Cook (1972). For trade theory of Maya state see Rathje (1971) and for its refutation see Price (1977). Lundell’s (1937) study of the Peten is still the best available. See Gifford (1972) and Grove et aL (1976) for earliest Maya settlements. For slash-and-burn see Cowgill (1962), Boserup (1965), Meggers et al. (1973), and Conklin (1963). For the people who eat forests see Condominas (1957). See Puleston (1974), Turner (1974), and Cook (1972). For breadnut trees see Puleston and Puleston (1971). See Mathenay (1976). For the Maya collapse, see Culbert (1973). For the rise of Teotihuacán see Sanders (1972) and Sanders and Price (1968). See Millon (1973) but ignore his hysterical attack against ecologists. For chinampas see Palerm (1967). For demographic patterns in the Valley of Mexico see Parsons and Blanton (1969).
The Cannibal Kingdom
Michael Harner alone deserves credit (or blame) for the discovery (or rediscovery) of Aztec cannibalism and for the explanation that I offer for Aztec cannibalism in this chapter. See Harner (1975, 1977a, b). However, I have independently gone over the primary sources, especially Diaz (1956, pp. 217–20), De Sahagún (1950, pp. 4, 589), Duran (1964, p. 121), and Tapia (1971). For Iroquois heart-eating see Scheele (1950, p. 101). For pre-Columbian cannibalism see Flinn et al. (1976). For a summary of Staden’s account see Métraux (1945). The Jesuit missionary was Le Mercier in Thwaites (1959, Vol. 13, pp. 59–79). See Sagan (1974). For the strength in human flesh see Dornstreich and Morren (1974). See Cook (1946), Diaz (1965, p. 119), Tapia (1971, p. 583), Soustelle (1962, p. 101), Cook (1946, p. 283), De Sahagún (1950, pp. 24, 29), and Duran (1964, p. 122).
The Lamb of Mercy
For reviews of cannibalism in the Old World see Tannahill (1975) and Sagan (1974). I have relied on summaries of human sacrifice in Hastings’ (1921) Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics. See also Lévi (1966), Rosengarten (1966), and Yerkes (1952). For the “cult of the severed head” see Piggott (1965, p. 230); for Druids see Piggott (1975). See Gelb (1973). The quotes are from Hastings (1921). See W. Smith (1956), Schneider (1957), and Dyson-Hudson and Dyson-Hudson (1969). The quote is from Smith (1956). See my account of the events surrounding the last supper in Harris (1974). See Tannahill (1975, p. 84) for “contemptible” animals. Hammurabi’s words are from Driver and Miles (1955, pp. 7–13). See Mencius (1970, pp. 483, 135–36). On Incas see Rowe (1947) and Mason (1957). See Pires-Ferreira (1976).
Forbidden Flesh
The data on productivity of plants versus animals are from the National Research Council (1975, p. m ff). For discussion of dietary role of protein see Taylor and Pye (1966) and FAO/WHO (1973). For efficiency and physiology of the pig see National Research Council (1975), Pond and Manes (1974), and Mount (1968). For archaeological evidence of the domesticated pig, see Epstein (1971, Vol. 2 pp. 349–50), Ducos (1969), and Zeuner (1963). See E. Ross (1976) for general theory of taboos on hunted animals. See Zeuner (1963, pp. 134–35), Whyte (1961, pp. 69–76), and Reifenberg (1955) for environmental impact of intensification on the Middle East. See Alland (1974, p. 67) for criticism of pig theory. See Epstein (1971, p. 342) for pig in Egypt: see Epstein (1971, p. 354) and Hawkes (1973, p. 101) for pig in Mesopotamia. See Whyte (1971) and Jacobsen and Adams (1958) on silting and salt problem. See Young (1972) for intensification in early Mesopotamia.
The Origin of the Sacred Cow
See Allchin (1968, p. 321), Allchin and Allchin (1968, pp. 114, 259), Hawkes (1973), Marshall (1931), and Thapar (1966). See Prakash (1961, pp. 15, 16) and Bose (1961, p. 109). The Cambridge History of India is a standard source. See Prakash (1961, pp. 175–76) and Maitz (1957, pp. 94–95) for Gupta period. See Davis (1951), Spengler (1971), and Nath (1929) for historical demography. See Bose (1961, p. 131 ff) for deforestation and Mahabharata drought. For the cultural ecology of cattle in India see M. Harris (1974, 1971, 1966), Raj (1971, 1969), Heston (1971), Dandekar (1969), Odend’hal (1972), and Embassy of India (1975). See Gandhi (1954). For discussion of lactase see Harrison (1975). See Gandhi (1954). For discussion of lactase see Harrison (1975). For comparisons of Indian and Chinese ecosystems see Buck (1964), Raj (1969), Singh (1971), Gavan and Dixon (1975), Shen (1951, p. 290), Phillips (1945), and Sprague (1975). The Mao quote is from Raj (1971, p. 717). See Varma (1967) for modern Ganges Valley.
The Hydraulic Trap
For world population trends see Spengler (1974). See David (1951), Butzer (1976), and Bielenstein (1947). For the remainder of this chapter I have relied heavily on Karl Wittfogel’s Oriental Despotism. See also Wittfogel (1931, 1960, 1970, 1972). The Marx quote is from the article “British Rule in India” (New York Daily Tribune, 1853). See Wittfogel (1972, p. 62). See Adams (1966, p. 68) and Butzer (1976). Perkins (1968) makes the same mistake for China. See Bielenstein (1947) for Yellow River floods. I am grateful for the advice and criticism of Sinologist-anthropologist-colleague-friend Myron Cohen. See Wittfogel (1972) and Ulmen (1975) for review of impact of hydraulic theory on research. Also M. Harris (1968) and Price (1971). See Mitchell (1973) for clarification of hydraulic theory. See Woodbury and Neely (1972) for irrigation in Tehuacán.
TJte Origin of Capitalism
See Piggott (1965, pp. 229, 235, 140). For Rome see Africa (1974). See Bloch (1961, 1966). See Wittfogel (1957, p. 44). See Wolf (1966, p. 30 ff) and Van Bath (1963) for European medieval demography and economy. For the history of the plow see Wailes (1972). See Waller-stein (1975, p. 20) and Lopez (1974). For “crisis of feudalism” see Wallerstein (1975, p. 21 ff) and Postan (1972). See Wilkinson (1973, pp. 76–77). On infanticide see Rüssel (1948), Kellum (1974), Langer (1974), Trexler (1973a, b), Shorter (1975, p. 168 ff), and Dickeman (1975). See M. Harris (1974) for witchcraft, messianism, and peasant revolts, 1300–1500. See Russell and Russell (1973) for relationship between Black Death and ecological crisis of feudalism. Also Nohl (1961). For Chinese technology see Needham (1970), Needham and Ling (1959), Elvin (1974), and Wittfogel (1957, pp. 78, 329).
The Industrial Bubble
Wilkinson (1973, p. 76 ff, p. 112 ff). For living conditions in Europe see Braudel (1972, 1973), Engels (1958), Eden (1928), Pinchbeck (1969), Polanyi (1944), and Langer (1972, pp. 96, 98). For mortality in Sweden and demographic transition see Llewellyn-Jones (1974). Also Ehr lieh and Ehrlich (1970) and Ford and DeJong (1970). See Langer (1963) and Glass and Eversley (1965) for eighteenth-century decline in mortality. See White (1973, 1975). For cottage industries see Landes (1966). Crime statistics are from Rusche and Kirchheimer (1939). For social context of Malthusians see Polgar (1975) and Beales (1959). For Marx-Malthus controversy see Meek (1971). See Himes (1963) and Llewellyn-Jones (1974) for history of contraception. See Banks (1953) and Coale (1969) for decline of fertility. For the culminating effects and estimates of the rising costs of child-rearing see Minge-Kalman (1977). For depletion of coal and oil see National Petroleum Council (1973), Penner and Icerman (1974), Hubert (1976), and Commoner (1976). For the “oilification” of food see M. Harris (1973), Jennings (1976), Wade (1973), Pimentel et al. (1973, 1975), Pimentel (1976), Borgstrom (1973), Steinhart and Steinhart (1974), and Leach (1975).
*For full citations see the entry in the bibliography under author and date.
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