11. Richard S. Dunn, “Experiments Holy and Unholy, 1630–1,” in K. R. Andrews et al., eds., The Westward Enterprise… (Liverpool, England, 1978), 283; Banks, Planters, 65–92; Young, Chronicles, 311–12; R. Anderson, “Note on the Changing Pace”; Darrett B. Rutman, Winthrop’s Boston … 1630–1649 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1965), 25–28, 36–37, 178–79; Frank Thistlethwaite, Dorset Pilgrims… (London, 1989), 80–82; Cressy, Coming Over, chap 8; David G. Allen, In English Ways… (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1981), 221–22; John Farmer, ed., Governor Thomas Dudley’s Letter to the Countess of Lincoln, March, 1631, in Peter Force, comp., Tracts and Other Papers Relating Principally to … the Colonies in North America… (Washington, D.C., 1836–46), I, no. 4, 9, 10.
12. Allen, English Ways, 8, 14–18.
13. East Anglia, for Roger Thompson, in Mobility and Migration: East Anglian Founders of New England, 1629–1640 (Amherst, Mass., 1994), 14, is “Greater East Anglia,” which includes five counties: Lincolnshire, Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, and Essex. For N. C. P. Tyack, “Migration from East Anglia to New England before 1660” (Ph.D. diss., University of London, 1951), East Anglia is only Essex, Suffolk, and Norfolk. For Allen, English Ways, xvi, East Anglia includes Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, and Hertfordshire. The usage here will vary according to context, but will be specified where there is any doubt.
14. Rutman, Winthrop’s Boston, 136–38; Tyack, “Migration,” 50–51; Cressy, Coming Over, 132–33; Charles E. Banks, The Winthrop Fleet of 1630… (Boston, 1930), 50–51; Thistlethwaite, Dorset Pilgrims, chaps. 1–4; Frances Rose-Troup, John White… (New York, 1930), chaps. 6–16.
15. Rutman, Winthrop’s Boston, 138; Games, Migration, 28–29 (table 1.4); Archer, “New England Mosaic,” 483.
16. Allen, English Ways, 14–18; Joan Thirsk, “The Farming Regions of England,” in Thirsk, ed., The Agrarian History of England and Wales, IV (Cambridge, England, 1967), 2–10, 15.
17. Lawrence Stone, The Causes of the English Revolution, 1529–1642 (London, 1972), 106; Alan Everitt, Change in the Provinces: The Seventeenth Century (Alan Everitt, ed., Department of English Local History, Occasional Papers, 2nd ser., no. 1, Leicester, England, 1969), 7, 48, 30, 10; Ann Hughes, “Local History and the Origins of the Civil War,” in Richard Cust and Ann Hughes, eds., Conflict in Early Stuart England (London, 1989), 235, 230, 229, 233; Alan Macfarlane, Reconstructing Historical Communities (Cambridge, England, 1977), 11–13, 18, 19.
18. Thirsk, “Farming Regions,” 41, 45–47, 53, 65, 9, 14, 15.
19. Ibid., 64–65, 68, 72–73, 78–79.
20. Ibid., 21, 28–33, 38, 46, 47, 200; Allen, English Ways, 19; Thirsk, “Farming Regions,” 34, 36–39.
21. Thompson, Mobility, 98–100.
22. Tyack, “Migration,” chaps. 5, 6, quotations at 101, 157. (“The great outpouring from Essex and Suffolk, particularly between 1631 and 1636, was in large measure the outcome of East Anglia’s agrarian problems, particularly the agrarian depression of 1629, 1630, and 1631…[Yet there was] in all three counties a broad stability in the structure of rural society and in the distribution of land during the first half of the seventeenth century,” 185–86). Thompson, Mobility, 23 and chap. 5.
23. William Haller, The Rise of Puritanism… (New York, 1938), 15, 19, 20, 23, 25, 35–36; G. R. Elton, England Under the Tudors (London, 1955), 310–11.
24. Ibid., 307–8; Haller, Rise, 9, 14, 19.
25. Ibid., 12–13, 35ff., 42–43; Elton, England, 458, 313, 310. For the imprisonment in Norfolk in 1612 of one William Sayer for remarks deemed heretical, a case that “stands out as a first flash of lightning in the storm that was brewing in the Norwich diocese between Puritans and episcopal authority,” and for similar imprisonments of obscure dissidents—impoverished weavers and dyers—which “were the first mumblings of a religious storm in East Anglia that undoubtedly in later years drove many to seek shelter in New England,” see Tyack, “Migration,” 242–44.
26. Ibid., 244ff., 249, 272, 257–58, 262; M. M. Knappen, Tudor Puritanism… (Chicago, 1939), 219, 470–72; Haller, Rise, 40. On Laud and the lecturers, see Paul S. Seaver, The Puritan Lectureships … 1560–1662 (Stanford, Calif., 1970), chap. 8; H. R. Trevor-Roper, Archbishop Laud, 1573–1645 (London, 1940), 106–7.
27. Ibid., 81, 104, 106–9; Francis J. Bremer, Congregational Communion: Clerical Friendship in the Anglo-American Puritan Community, 1610–1692 (Boston, 1994), 83–84.
28. Trevor-Roper, Laud, 119; Haller, Rise, 20, 230–31, 262; Bremer, Communion, 82–91. Thus John Davenport, who considered himself well within the church in his views, believed that he had been driven into nonconformity by Laud’s and the High Commission’s pressure on such technical points as standing rather than kneeling at communion and insisted on his absolute loyalty to the state and his orthodoxy in opposing heresies, schisms, and “all sectaries, as Familists, Anabaptists, and Brownists.” Isabel M. Calder, ed., Letters of John Davenport, Puritan Divine (New Haven, Conn., 1937), 41 [hereafter: Davenport, Letters].
29. Bremer, Communion, 83–86; William Hunt, The Puritan Moment: The Coming of the Revolution in an English County (Cambridge, Mass., 1983), 109.
30. Bremer, Communion, 87–88; Kenneth W. Shipps, “The Puritan Emigration to New England: A New Source on Motivation,” New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 135 (1981), 90; “An Abstract of the Metropolitan Visitation … 1635” [of Norwich, Peterborough, Lichfield, Worcester, Gloucester, Winchester, and Chichester], in John Bruce, ed., Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series … 1635 (London, 1865), xxx–xlv [hereafter: CSP, Dom, 1635]; Tyack, “Migration,” 303.
31. CSP, Dom, 1635, 489; Allen, English Ways, 192–93. In a personal communication, Mark Peterson, author of the American National Biography [ANB] sketch of Chauncy, explains that Chauncy served first in Marston St. Lawrence, then went to Ware, where he was first charged by the High Commission, and returned to Marston, where he was finally suspended, mainly because he objected to installing rails around the altar and to kneeling at communion. He recanted but continued to preach secretly as well as officially until he departed for New England.
32. Haller, Rise, 35–38; Hunt, Puritan Moment, 110–11, 254; Mather, Magnalia, III, 59; Bremer, Communion, 39–40; David D. Hall, The Faithful Shepherd… (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1972), 51–52, 65; John Bruce, ed., Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series…1633–1634 (London, 1863), 450. For details on the fortunes of the Rogers-Ward network, see Tyack, “Migration,” 248–55, 260. The funeral of the charismatic John Rogers was a sensational, apparently a providential, event in the regional history of Puritanism. At Rogers’s funeral, Emmanuel Downing reported to Winthrop, “there were more people than 3 such churches could hold: the gallery was soe over loaden with people that it sunck and crackt and in the midle where it was joynted the tymbers gaped and parted on[e] from an other soe that there was a great cry in the church: they under the gallery fearing to be smothered, those that were upon it hasted of[f], some on[e] way some an other, and some leaped downe among the people into the church: those in the body of the church seing the tymbers gape were sore afrighted, but it pleased God to honour that good man departed with a miracle at his death, for the gallerie stood … had it faln as blackfryers did under the popish assembly, it would have ben a great wound to our religion.” Downing to Winthrop, Mar. 6, 1637, Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 4th ser., VI (1861), 47.
33. Hunt, Puritan Moment, 196–97, 254; Frank Shuffelton, Thomas Hooker, 1586–1647 (Princeton, N.J., 1977), 73–74, 125; Mather, Magnalia, III, 59.
34. Tyack, “Migration,” 256–57, 260–61, 290–92, 297, 307, 353; Trevor-Roper, Laud, 260; Hunt, Puritan Moment, 253–57; Shuffelton, Hooker, 128–30; Richard W. Cogley, John Eliot’s Mission to the Indians before King Philip’s War (Cambridge, Mass., 1999), 45; Bremer, Communion, 94–95, 97–98.
35. Hunt, Puritan Moment, 257, 253; Allen, English Ways, 166–67; Bremer, Communion, 88–90, 96; Davenport, Letters, 33–38 (on Davenport, in this connection
, see Knight, Orthodoxies, 45ff.); Rose-Troup, White, chap. 23, 302; Thistlethwaite, Dorset Pilgrims, 31; Johnson, Wonder-Working Providence, 136; Michael McGiffert, ed., God’s Plot: Puritan Spirituality in Thomas Shepard’s Cambridge [1972] (Amherst, Mass., 1994), 50.
36. Ibid., 51n, 53, 57, 58.
37. Shipps, “Puritan Emigration”; Hunt, Puritan Moment, 120; Winthrop Papers, II, 163. Estimates of the number of clerics who emigrated: Samuel E. Morison, The Founding of Harvard College (Cambridge, Mass., 1935), 360, lists ninety-eight who had had university training in Europe; Waterhouse, “Reluctant Emigrants: The English Background of the First Generation of the New England Puritan Clergy,” Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church, 44 (1975), finds seventy-six who had been ordained in the Church of England, twenty-seven who had not been ordained but who had had appropriate clerical education at Oxford or Cambridge and became Puritan ministers, and ten others who had had neither qualification but who were ministers in New England in any case. Allen, English Ways, 13, relying on Frederick L. Weis, The Colonial Clergy and the Colonial Churches of New England (Lancaster, Mass., 1936), lists 129. Waterhouse finds that of the seventy-six who had been ordained in the Church, sixty-eight survived to the outbreak of the Civil War, and of those, twenty-six (38 percent) returned. Susan Hardman Moore, in her Pilgrims: New World Settlers and the Call of Home (New Haven, Conn., 2007), identifies seventy-six ministers who came to New England in the 1630s; of the seventy who survived to 1640, twenty-five (36 percent) returned (22, 55). The criteria of choice in her extended list, App. 3, are not clear. In her discussion of remigration in general (55–56) she writes that one in four or one in six of the settlers returned to England, depending on whether the total migration is best calculated at thirteen thousand or twenty-one thousand. For other discussions of remigration see William L. Sachse, “The Migration of New Englanders to England, 1640–1660,” American Historical Review, 53 (1947–48), 251–78, and Harry Stout, “The Morphology of Remigration…,” Journal of American Studies, 10 (1976), 151–72.
38. Waterhouse, “Reluctant Emigrants,” 484; Tyack, “Migration,” 344. Rogers’s remarkable will—an elegy for the Puritans’ original, defiant faith and a lamentation for the “base opinions” and “evil fashions” that had overtaken the purity of New England’s life by the 1660s—centers on the “three special blessings” of his life: the education he received from his father, Richard; the capture of his soul by Christ in the course of a near-fatal illness; and his calling to be a minister of the Gospel, “the most glorious calling in the world.” Henry F. Waters, Genealogical Gleanings in England (Boston, 1885–89), II, 227.
39. Increase Mather, The Life and Death of That Reverend Man of God, Mr. Richard Mather…[Cambridge, Mass., 1670] (facsimile ed., Benjamin Franklin V and William K. Bottorff, eds., Athens, Ohio, 1966), 12–19; specific page references to Foxe are at p. 14, where Mather quotes the letter Bradford wrote to “a godly couple, Erkinalde Rawlins and his Wife.” George Townsend, ed., The Acts and Monuments of John Foxe… (London, 1843–49), VII, 212–14.
40. B. R. Burg, Richard Mather (Boston, 1982), 13–14; Allen, English Ways, 171; Games, Migration, 63, 72; Mather, Magnalia, III, 59.
41. Knight, Orthodoxies, 31.
42. Except where otherwise cited, biographical information on Cotton is drawn from Larzer Ziff, The Career of John Cotton… (Princeton, N.J., 1962); Ziff’s edition of Cotton’s writings, John Cotton and the Churches of New England (Cambridge, Mass., 1968); Sargent Bush, Jr., ed., The Correspondence of John Cotton (Chapel Hill, N.C., 2001), esp. Introduction; Knight, Orthodoxies, passim, esp. 37ff.; and “John Cotton’s Life and Letters,” in Young, Chronicles, 417–44.
43. The affection with Christ, Cotton wrote, was like that between husband and wife. When you come to the congregation, he asked rhetorically, do you have “a strong and hearty desire to meet him in the bed of loves … and desire you to have the seeds of his grace shed abroad in your hearts, and bring forth the fruit of grace to him, and desire that you may be for him and for none other?” Knight, Orthodoxies, 116.
44. Ibid., 19, 45; Ziff, Cotton, 44; Charles M. Andrews, The Colonial Period of American History (New Haven, Conn., 1934–38), I, 366–67. In his memoir of Cotton, Abel Being Dead, Yet Speaketh… (London, 1658), the Rev. John Norton, Cotton’s successor in the Boston church, wrote that “according to report,” King James himself, despite his opposition to nonconformity, having been informed of Cotton’s “great learning and worth,” allowed him to “have his liberty without interruption in his ministry.” Enoch Pond, ed., Memoir of John Cotton by John Norton (New York, 1842), 39.
45. Ziff, Cotton, 67. On Leverett and Hough, among Cotton’s prominent connections: R. Anderson, Great Migration Begins, II, 1175–78, 1005–10. Cotton’s account of his reasons for emigrating, written a year after his arrival in New England and stressing “our Saviour’s warrant … that when we are distressed in our course in one country (ne quid dicam gravius) we should flee to another” and suggesting that in New England people like Hooker and himself might provide much more service to their people than they could “in prison (especially in close prison, which was feared)”—arguments both different from and similar to those of Mather—is in Young, Chronicles, 438–44. For his letter of resignation to the Bishop of Lincoln, May 7, 1633, written with apparent sadness: Bush, ed., Cotton Correspondence, 178–80.
46. George H. Williams et al., eds., Thomas Hooker: Writings in England and Holland, 1626–1633 (Harvard Theological Studies, XXVIII, Cambridge, Mass., 1975), 17–18; Shuffelton, Hooker, 156–57; Bush, ed., Cotton Correspondence, 181–88.
47. Biographical information on Hooker, unless otherwise cited, is from Shuffelton, Hooker; Williams et al., eds., Hooker: Writings; and Knight, Orthodoxies.
48. Shuffelton, Hooker, 23–25.
49. The difference between Hooker’s procedures in seeking to alleviate the soul-killing melancholy of this distressed woman fearful of damnation, and Roger Williams’s efforts with the equally afflicted Lady Joan Barrington (see p. 396) is striking. The contrast anticipates the differences in the major phases of the two clerics’ later careers in New England.
50. Shuffelton, Hooker, chap. 2; Norman Pettit, The Heart Prepared: Grace and Conversion in Puritan Spiritual Life (New Haven, Conn., 1966), 87–101.
51. Bremer, Communion, 94–98; Shuffelton, Hooker, chap. 4, quotation at 156.
52. Hall, Shepherd, 78; Bremer, Communion, 104, 107–8.
53. Ibid., chaps. 1–4; on Davenport, ibid., 89–92, Knight, Orthodoxies, 45ff.; on Wheelwright, Emery Battis, Saints and Sectaries… (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1962), 110–14; on Wilson, sketch by Francis J. Bremer in American National Biography [ANB].
54. Hall, Shepherd, 79–80, 89; Allen, English Ways, 171–74; Thompson, Mobility, 188; David S. Lovejoy, Religious Enthusiasm in the New World: Heresy to Revolution (Cambridge, Mass., 1985), 62–63; Philip F. Gura, A Glimpse of Sion’s Glory… (Middletown, Conn., 1984), 40–41, 164–65, 188–92, chap. 10; Correspondence of Roger Williams, ed. Glenn LaFantasie (Providence, R.I., 1988), I, 2–7; Hunt, Puritan Moment, 222–33; Ola E. Winslow, Master Roger Williams (New York, 1957), 81–83; Barrington Letters, 63–68, 15, 19; Arthur Searle, “ ‘Overmuch Liberty’: Roger Williams in Essex,” Essex Journal, 3 (1968), 85–92; “Master John Cotton’s Answer to Master Roger Williams,” ed. J. Lewis Diman, in Publications of the Narragansett Club, 1st ser., 2 (1867), 14.
Williams was not one to retreat silently when rebuked. “Woe unto me if I hold my peace,” he wrote relentlessly to the distressed Lady Barrington, “and hide that from you which [though it] may seeme bitter at present, it may be sweeter then hon[e]y in the latter end.” LaFantasie, ed., Correspondence of Roger Williams, 5.
In later years Williams must have encountered his first love (Lady Barrington’s niece, Joan Whalley) again since she and her husband, Rev. William Hooke, emigrated to New England in the late 1630s, to return to England in 1656, when Cromwell appointed Hooke hi
s chaplain. James Savage, A Genealogical Dictionary of the First Settlers of New England… ([1860–62], Baltimore, Md., 1965), II, 458.
55. Superseding all of the many biographical studies of Winthrop is Francis J. Bremer, John Winthrop: America’s Forgotten Founding Father (Oxford, England, 2003). Bremer’s earlier summary of the family’s religious culture and the context of Winthrop’s decision to emigrate—“The Heritage of John Winthrop: Religion Along the Stour Valley, 1548–1630,” NEQ, 70 (1997), 515–47—is fully amplified in the book. Bremer, Winthrop, chaps. 7, 8; Winthrop Papers, II, 106–149.
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