Now, as Appointments Secretary Nichols ushered him
into the Oval Office, Vernon T. Tynan again had that feeling of deja vu. For a half second, he thought there was President Kennedy behind the desk, speaking to someone, and there was Director Hoover beside him, and here he was a young man once more. But the moment he was announced, the past was dispelled. The man beside him, now backing away and leaving him, was Nichols, not Hoover. The man behind the desk was President Wadsworth, not President Kennedy. And the someone he was speaking to was not a Kennedy aide but Ronald Steedman, the President’s personal public-opinion pollster.
‘Glad you could make it, Vernon,’ President Wadsworth said. ‘Pull up a chair. You can take those newspapers off the chair and - in fact, you can throw them out - they belong in the garbage. Have you read any of them?’
Tynan removed the papers from the chair. He glanced at them - The New York Times, the Chicago Sun-Times, the Denver Post, the San Francisco Chronicle - before folding them into the wastebasket.
Without waiting for a reply, the President went on. ‘Coast to coast, they’re ganging up on us. Like a pack of wolves, howling for our blood. We’re trying to gag the country, did you know that, Vernon? You should see the editorial page of The New York Times. They call their State Assembly a disgrace for ratifying the 35th. They write an Open Letter to California’s legislators telling them the fate of freedom is in their hands, imploring them to vote down the 35th. And someone tipped us that the next issues of Time and Newsweek carry the same defeatist sentiments.’
‘Self-interest,’ said Steedman. ‘The press is worried about its own future.’
‘They should be,’ growled Tynan. ‘The inflammatory crap they run day in and day out, along with the stuff on the tube - that’s as responsible for crime and violence as anything else.’ He moved closer to President Wadsworth. ‘It’s not all that one-sided, from what I’ve seen, Mr President. We have as many allies as enemies.’
‘I don’t know,’ said the President doubtfully.
‘The New York Daily News and Chicago Tribune,’ cited Tynan. Then he added, ‘U.S. News and World Report, also
for the 35th and on our side. Two of the networks have been neutral, but I’ve heard they’ll come out for the 35th before the California vote.’
‘I hope that’s true,’ said the President. Tn the end it’ll be up to the people, to the pressure they exert on their representatives. Ronald and I were just discussing that. We’re just about through now. In fact, it’s because of our talk that I wanted to see you. I need your advice.’
‘Ready to be of any help I can, Mr President,’ said Tynan, dragging up a chair closer to Wadsworth’s replica Of Kennedy’s desk.
The President wheeled toward Steedman. ‘Those latest figures you have from California, Ronald. How big a sampling was that?’
‘Exactly 2,455 people were polled. They were asked only one question in three parts. Were they in favor of having the California Legislature approve the 35th Amendment? Or were they against its ratification? Or were they undecided?’
‘Review the results again, so Vernon can hear them.’
‘Certainly,’ said Steedman. He held a computerized printout before him and began to read to both the President and Tynan. ‘The results of our public-opinion poll of 2,455 registered California voters, taken the two days following New York’s passage of the Amendment and Ohio’s rejection of it, are as follows.’ His finger underlined the figures on his page. ‘There were 41 per cent in favor of the passage of the 35th. There were 27 per cent against its passage. There were 32 per cent who were undecided.’
‘That’s a lot of undecideds,’ said the President. ‘Now read your poll of the California State Senate and Assembly.’
Steedman nodded, shuffling his papers, and held up a new printout. ‘This one was less satisfactory. The legislators are obviously being cautious, waiting to hear from their constituents. Here we have 40 per cent who were undecided or refused to express any opinion at all. Then, of the 60 per cent of the legislators who did express an opinion, 52 per cent favored passage, 48 per cent were against passage.’
The President shook his head glumly. ‘Too many fence-sitters. I don’t like that.’
Tynan spoke up. ‘Mr President, it’s our job to get them off that fence and down on the right side.’
‘That’s why I wanted you here, Vernon. I wanted to discuss strategy…. Thank you, Ronald. When do I see you again?’
Steedman stood up. ‘Per your instructions, Mr President, we’re running a new poll in California every week now. I should have this week’s results for you next Monday.’
‘Call Miss Ledger and make an appointment the minute you have something.’
After collecting his papers, Steedman departed, and the President and Tynan were alone in the Oval Office.
‘Well, there you have it, Vernon,’ the President said. ‘Our fate is entirely in the hands of people who haven’t made up their minds. So we know what has to be done. We have to instigate every stratagem, exert every possible pressure, to make them see things our way - for their own good. The life of our one last hope is at stake, Vernon.’
‘I’m confident it’ll work our way, Mr President.’
The President was less confident. ‘We can’t leave it to chance. The future depends upon our actions.’
‘You’re right, of course,’ agreed Tynan. ‘I’ve already undertaken several moves. I’m speeding up the FBI’s Uniform Crime Reports. I’ve notified all local police officials in California to teletype their latest crime statistics every week instead of every month. We’ll now be releasing the Reports every Saturday for media coverage on Sundays. We’ll saturate California with the rise in its crime rate.’
‘Excellent,’ said the President. ‘The problem there is that people become inured to the repetition of mere figures. Statistics simply do not dramatize the gravity of the situation.’ He reached across the green blotter to his scratch pad on which he’d scribbled some notes. ‘Often, a well-worded speech can dramatize the situation far better. And get more coverage. I was thinking of scheduling a number of Administration people - members of the Cabinet, department heads - to speak at conventions or meetings already scheduled in California’s major cities. I’ve been listing some names here. It’s difficult, however, to know who would be most effective.’
Tynan pushed forward in his chair. “There’s only one person who could be really effective.’ He pointed his finger. ‘You, Mr President. You could rally the people around the 35th, and implore them, for their own future security, to put pressure on their state representatives in Sacramento.’
President Wadsworth considered this, but only briefly. He shook his head. ‘No, Vernon, I’m afraid that wouldn’t do. In fact, it might have just the opposite effect - a negative effect. You’re not a politician, Vernon, so you may not understand. You have no idea how jealously the individual states guard their states’ rights. The legislators and citizens alike might look upon an address from me - a speech devoted to a decision that belongs to them - as Federal interference. They could resent a President’s telling them what to do. I’m afraid we have to be more subtle than that.’
‘Well, then,’ said Tynan, ‘what about me? I could go to California and scare the bejesus out of them so they’ll support the 35th.’
‘No. You’re too obviously a lawman. You would not be regarded as objective and reasonable. Everyone would say you have an ax to grind. Anyone from the FBI would be suspect. As I mentioned before, I’ve been thinking of Collins. I’d rather send someone like Chris Collins. He doesn’t wear a uniform, so to speak. An Attorney General would more likely be regarded as a civilian.’
‘Umm. Collins. … I’ve been thinking about him, too–—
I’m not sure about him. I don’t know if he’s strong enough or has the conviction -‘
‘Exactly. His weakness can be assets in this case. Give him more credibility. Actually, Vernon, I have no real doubts about him. H
e’s clearly on our side. He knows where his job is buttered. He understates, which in this situation is good, yet he carries the authority of his office. Last week we discussed sending him to California. But now I think he should play a bigger role.’
‘What do you have in mind? Scheduling him for a speaking tour up and down the state?’
‘No, that would seem too much like programmed propaganda.’ The President thought about it. ‘Something less
obvious.’ The President snapped his fingers. ‘I just remembered. I had a notion yesterday - Yes, if it could be worked out -I asked Miss Ledger to look into it. You see, Vernon, it occurred to me that if Collins had to be in California because he had specific business there, then it would all appear more natural. One second.’
He buzzed for Miss Ledger.
Almost instantly, the door on the far side of the room opened and she appeared.
‘Miss Ledger, do you recall - Yesterday when I was leaving I asked you to look into the conventions that have been set up in California - anything taking place in the next two weeks or so - an event where it might be logical for the Attorney General to speak.’
‘Yes,’ she said. I had an answer to my inquiries an hour ago. I didn’t want to disturb you.’
‘Well, is there anything?’
‘You’re in luck, Mr President. The American Bar Association is having its annual national meeting in Los Angeles from Monday through Friday.’
The President came to his feet, beaming. ‘Perfect. Just great. You get right on the phone to the President of the ABA - he’s an old friend - and tell him I’d appreciate it very much if he could book Attorney General Collins in as their main guest speaker the last day of the convention.’
Miss Ledger looked troubled. ‘It won’t be easy, Mr President. I learned they already have all their guest speakers set, and the main one appearing on the ABA Presidential Program on Friday at 3 p.m. is Chief Justice John G. Maynard.’
‘What’s the difference?’ said the President. ‘Now they can have two main guest speakers. Attorney General Collins can either precede or follow the Chief Justice. You tell them I’d consider their doing that as a personal favor.’
‘I’ll call immediately, Mr President.’
After Miss Ledger had gone back to her office, President Wadsworth remained standing. ‘Well, that’s taken care of. I’ll inform Collins. I’ll get him to give a very generalized speech on the changing approach to criminal justice. He can allude to the 35th Amendment as the hope of the future, and speak of the historic role California will play when it ratifies.
I think a fair number of the state legislators will be in the audience. Maybe Collins can hold an informal cocktail party for them afterwards, do a little low-key lobbying. Well, I guess that takes care of…’
He was looking down at the memorandums spread on his desk. Suddenly, he snatched up one piece of paper.
‘I almost forgot, Vernon. There’s another matter. The television show. Did I speak to you about it?’
‘No, Mr President.’
‘There’s a national network television show that originates from some locale prominent in the news each week. A Miss - Miss - ‘ He squinted at the memorandum. ‘ - Miss Monica Evans, the producer of this half-hour show, phoned McKnight. Apparently she’s an old friend of his. The end of next week they want to tape a debate in Los Angeles on whether or not California should ratify the 35th Amendment. The program is called Search for Truth. They have two guests, each giving a different side to some controversial issue. Have you seen it?’
‘I’m afraid so,’ said Tynan with a grimace.
‘Well, they want you on this one, Vernon. They want you to present the arguments in favor of the 35th. It would be on the same day Chris is addressing the ABA. You could fly out together. I think this exposure would be important for us.’
‘Who’s taking the other side?’ asked Tynan. ‘Who’s the other guest?’
The President consulted the memorandum once more. ‘Tony Pierce,’ said the President.
Tynan bolted upright in his chair. ‘Mr President, forgive me, but I think it would be a mistake for the Director of the FBI to appear on the same program with a former FBI agent who’s been a traitor to the Bureau. I don’t think I should dignify the views of a lousy Commie like Pierce by being on the same show with him.’
The President shrugged. ‘If you feel that strongly about it, Vernon, I won’t press you. But I do think the exposure of our own views is important - of great importance - on a national television program like this. One of our team should
appear ’
‘Why not Collins?’ suggested Tynan. ‘He’s going to be out in Los Angeles at that time anyway. He could do the show as well as make his speech. As Attorney General, he should be welcome on the program.’
President Wadsworth seemed pleased. ‘Good idea,’ he said. ‘Very good idea. I’ll have McKnight call this Miss Evans and confirm Collins as your substitute.’ He bobbed his head thoughtfully. ‘Well, that gives Collins plenty to do out there for our cause. It’s got to be a help.’
He extended his hand, and Tynan scrambled to his feet to shake it. ‘I’m sure it will, Mr President.’
‘Thanks for everything, Vernon.’ He grinned. ‘Well, California, here we come.’ He reached for his telephone. ‘And Attorney General Collins, there you go.’
*
In his Department of Justice office, the phone receiver caught between his ear and shoulder, Chris Collins busily wrote the pertinent parts of the President’s instructions on the sheet of paper before him.
Although making the obligatory agreeable sounds to the President’s proposals, Collins did not like what he had been hearing. He did not mind going to California. It would be Old Home Week, a chance to see his grown son, catch up with friends, get some sunshine. What he did not like was being forced to defend the 35th Amendment publicly, debate it with someone like Tony Pierce, before a nationwide television audience. He had often watched Search for Truth, enjoyed it, but he knew a guest could not equivocate or pussyfoot on that show. The debates often led to terrible wrangles, exaggerated positions, and his seat on the program could be a hot seat.
Collins felt equal distaste at the idea of appearing on the same platform with Chief Justice Maynard, a man whose libertarian beliefs he respected and whose civil rights decisions he admired, and being forced in Maynard’s presence to take a definite public stand in favor of the 35th Amendment. Until now, Collins had avoided anything more than a mild commitment to the Administration’s policies. Now he
would have to put it on the line, play the President’s pitchman. Doing so in front of Chief Justice Maynard would be an embarrassment. Still, he had no choice.
‘So that’s it, Chris,’ he heard the President say. ‘Have you got it all straight?’
‘I think so, Mr President. Next Friday. Los Angeles. One o’clock in the afternoon, Search for Truth at the network studios. Three o’clock, American Bar Association, Century Plaza Hotel.’
‘Really bone up for those two. Don’t let Pierce trample all over the 35th. Belt him hard.’
Collins swallowed. ‘I’ll do my best, Mr President.’
‘As for the ABA, prepare a solid speech, Chris. This will be a different audience from the television one. This will be a houseful of professionals. Don’t hit them on the head with the 35th too early. Save it for a strong windup. Lay the nation’s destiny on the wisdom of California.’
‘I’ll try.’
‘We’re depending on you. See you before you leave.’
After hanging up, Collins stared gloomily out the window for a while. Finally, shoving the sheet with his schedule aside, he resumed his paperwork.
Soon, he was immersed in legal briefs. The telephone rang constantly, but he was not interrupted. Apparently Marion was able to field the calls herself. The next time he lifted his head from his work to stretch, to gaze out the window, he saw that darkness had fallen. He consulted his watch. Day’s end for
everyone in Justice. If he too left now, it would be the first time in months that he would be home in time for dinner. He made up his mind to surprise Karen and get home at a reasonable hour.
Rising with his briefcase, he began to fill it with what remained of his papers.
The telephone rang. He ignored it. Then he heard the sound of the intercom, and Marion’s voice coming through. ‘Mr Collins, there’s a Father Dubinski on the line. I don’t recognize the name. He says you might. He would not give me a message. He says it is important that he speak to you personally.’
Collins recognized the name at once and was immediately
curious. ‘I’ll take it. Thanks. See you in the morning.’
He sat down, took up the receiver, and punched the blinking button. ‘Father Dubinski? This is Christopher Collins.’
‘I didn’t know if you’d speak to me.’ The priest’s voice sounded very distant. I didn’t know if you’d remember. We met the night Colonel Noah Baxter died at Bethesda.’
‘Certainly I remember you, Father. In fact, I had considered getting in touch with you myself. I wanted to talk -‘
‘That’s exactly why I’m calling,’ said the priest. ‘I would like to see you. The sooner the better. In fact, if possible, I’d like to see you tonight. It’s about a matter that may be of some interest to you. Nothing I’d wish to discuss on the telephone. If you can’t make it tonight, then perhaps in the morning -‘
(1976) The R Document Page 8
