It is not my place here to enter into this debate other than to say the matter is unlikely to be resolved unless by chance, typically via a lucky piece of archaeology. What I think we can do is to discount the Gothic version of the origin of the Huns as given by Jordanes – ‘We learn from old traditions that their origin was as follows: Filimer, king of the Goths, son of Gadaric the Great, who was the fifth in succession to hold the rule of the Gatae after their departure from the island of Scandza, and who, as we have said, entered the land of Scythia with his tribe, found among his people certain witches, whom he called in his native tongue Haliurunnae. Suspecting these women, he expelled them from the midst of his race and compelled them to wander in solitary exile afar from his army. There the unclean spirits, who beheld them as they wandered through the wilderness, bestowed their embraces upon them, and begat this savage race, which dwelt at first in the swamps, a stunted, foul and puny tribe, scarcely human, and having no language save one which bore slight resemblance to human speech, such was the descent of the Huns who came to the country of the Goths.’5
Having the Huns born of witches after they had intercourse with demons would of course have had a certain appeal to Christian sentiments during that age!
Ammianus, who may never have actually seen a living Hun, wrote that the Huns lived ‘beyond the Maeotic Sea near the ice-bound ocean’. He further noted that they were ‘little known from ancient records’. He gives a most unflattering description of the Huns, full of the usual Roman prejudices – ‘Since the cheeks of the children are deeply furrowed with the steel from their very birth, in order that the growth of hair, when it appears at the proper time, may be checked by the wrinkled scars, they grow old without beards and without any beauty, like eunuchs. They all have compact, strong limbs and thick necks, and are so monstrously ugly and misshapen, that one might take them for two-legged beasts or for the stumps, rough-hewn into images that are used into putting sides to bridges.’6 A more derogatory description of a people it is hard to imagine! There are parallels with the description of Jordanes’ Huns, and one has to consider if both historians had access to the same ancient texts when writing their histories, or indeed if Jordanes had a copy of Ammianus to hand when he compiled his history.
Of course, as with all history that has a basis in oral tradition, there may be more than a grain of truth mixed in amongst all the myth. Stunted growth and strange appearance may well be due to the diet of the Hunnic peoples, the conditions they were stated as living in and at least some of them practicing rituals that appears to have involved causing their children’s heads to become elongated.7
Whatever the origins and appearance of the Huns, their impact upon the Goths and their neighbours cannot be denied or underestimated. The Huns overran the Alans and many joined their Hunnic conquerors in raiding the territory of the Greuthungi Goths. Other Alans appear to have fled to the side of their Gothic neighbours to aid in the Gothic attempts to repel the Hun invaders. Despite valiant efforts by Ermanaric (called Ermanarichus by Ammianus), a Gothic king who Jordanes stated was the one who conquered many other tribes during the Gothic rise to power, and was a redoubtable warrior and leader, the Goths were unable to stem the Hunnic tide. Ermanaric fell victim to treachery and was assassinated by the brothers of a woman from a different Gothic tribe whom he had ordered bound to two horses and torn in half.8 After Ermanaric’s death Vithimiris became the new Gothic King. He carried on the fight against the onslaught, this time his battles were against the Alans who were allied with the Huns, and of all peoples he had support from Hunnic mercenaries! Vithimiris fared no better than his predecessor and after a number of reverses he too fell in battle.9 It’s at this point in the histories that we now hear for the first time the names of Alatheus and Saphrax, who Ammianus noted were ‘experienced generals known for their courage’. These two took charge of Vithimiris’ son, Viderichus, who was at that time a small boy and in no way able to lead the Goths, and with their new charge these two generals retreated westwards.10
Athanaricus reappears at this point as ‘the Chief of the Theruingi (Tervingi)’. He appears to have been in contact with the Greuthungi Goths, who, as I’ve previously noted in Chapter Three, Ammianus had stated Athanaricus had at one time been one of their chieftains. Athanaricus contacted the Greuthungi and entered into an agreement with that tribe for a joint operation against the Huns. To this end it was agreed that both Gothic tribes would meet up and pitch their camps on the banks of the Danastius river, on the opposite side of which the Huns were operating. When this had been completed Athanarichus sent out a scouting party composed of ‘men of high rank’ who were to travel twenty miles and observe and report on the progress of the advancing Huns, whilst Athanarichus and the other Goths prepared for the impending battle. Unfortunately for the Goths the Huns were aware of the advance party and avoided them. The Huns moving at night, crossed the Danastius using a ford and totally surprised Athanarichus and his army, and utterly defeated them. Athanarichus survived the encounter and was forced to flee with the remnants of his army and they fled to the perceived safety of the nearby Carpathian Mountains.11
Once safely in the mountains Athanarichus attempted something novel to thwart the Huns. He either attempted to build field defences or repair some long deserted Roman fortifications. He would then use these as a defence against the Huns. Ammianus wrote that ‘Athanarichus, troubled by this unexpected attack and still more through fear of what might come, had walls built high, skirting the lands of the Taifali from the banks of the river Gerasus as far as the Danube, thinking that by this hastily but diligently constructed barrier his security and safety would be assured.’12 Heather believes that Athanarichus was actually attempting to repair the old Roman walls in the former province of Dacia known as the Limes Transalutanus.13 This is not an unreasonable assumption, and if true it showed that the Goths were able to at least attempt to rebuild fortifications in the Roman style, if not build them from scratch. This audacious attempt by Athanaricus was in vain as he was assailed by constant Hunnic attacks. Athanarichus and his army were only saved from utter destruction by the fact that the Huns were so laden down by plunder that they were unable to catch the Goths fleeing from the unfinished fortifications.14
This was too much for the Goths under Athanarichus’ command; he had once again failed to defeat the Huns and protect them from their enemy. The majority of them deserted and looked to others for leadership and protection. They choose another chieftain called Alavivus to lead them. The Goths then held a deliberation and came to a conclusion. They would seek a new homeland, one that was unknown to the Huns and one that would provide a safe haven from Hunnic attacks. And the homeland they chose? The province of Thrace, south of the Danube, within the safety and protection of the Roman Empire, their former enemy!15
Chapter Six
AD 367–376 – Friends and Enemies
In the last chapter we were left with the Goths forced to make a radical choice about how to ensure their survival in the face of the onslaughting Huns. The decision they reached was one that was to have far-reaching implications not only for the Goths, but also for their former enemies the Romans.
However, before we go further we need to explore what was happening south of the Danube, within the borders of the Roman Empire itself from when Valens was embarked on his campaigns against the Goths from AD 367 until AD 376 when the Goths made their appeal to Valens to cross over into Thrace. These events were to have an on-going effect both on Valens’ first Gothic campaigns and then what occurred afterwards. One event in particular would have a profound, if not fatal, influence on events from AD 376 onwards, that being the death of Valentinian. We cannot view in isolation the events that were discussed in the previous chapter without discussing what else was happening at the time as many of the events that were occurring within the Empire would have far reaching consequences once their impact was known by the time the Goths appeared on the banks of the Danube in AD 376.
Durin
g AD 367 large parts of Britain were overrun by a collection of tribes who lived not only beyond Hadrian’s wall, but also across the Irish and North Seas and the English Channel. Those tribes were the Attacotti, Scotti, Picts and Saxons. These tribes ravaged Britain and in the process managed to kill both the Count of the Saxon Shore and the Duke of Britain, two of the highest ranking officials stationed there.1 The Saxons and Franks, another Germanic tribe, also at this time raided the north west coast of Gaul facing Britain. Valentinian, Emperor of the West, was about to embark on a campaign against a Germanic tribe, the Alamanni, whose homelands were north of the Rhine when he heard the news and he ordered Severus, who was at that time the Comes Domesticorum (Count of the Household Troops), to undertake action to quell the rebellion in Britain.2 However, Valentinian recalled Severus before he could undertake the campaign, probably so he could join Valentinian on his campaign against the Alamanni, and Jovinus, Magister Equitum (Master of the Horse) was appointed in Severus’ place. Jovinus took so long to get the campaign to restore order to Britain underway that he was replaced by Theodosius, the father of the future Emperor Theodosius the Great.3 Theodosius crossed the English Channel with a mixed force of legions and other troops and landed at the powerful fortress of Rutupiae (Richborough) in the extreme eastern tip of Kent, England. He waited there until four crack Auxilia Palatina units arrived, the Batavi, Heruli, Jovii and Victores.4 Theodosius marched on to Londinium (London) which had been plundered by various bands of raiders who were still in the vicinity. Theodosius’ troops completely routed all those they encountered, as the raiders were laden down with plunder. Such was the scale of his victory he was greeted by ecstatic crowds when he entered Londinium, where he set up his headquarters. From here he sent out proclamations throughout Britain, offering to pardon those troops who had either deserted or not bothered to return from leave when the barbarian bands invaded. Enough troops responded to this proclamation that Theodosius was able to both restore order and garrison the towns and cities of Britain once again.5
Also at this time the actions of Romanus, Governor of Africa led to an increase in raids by the nomadic tribes in that province and news of these problems was being deliberately withheld by Remigius, who was at that time Magister Officiorum (Marshal of the Court) and friend to Romanus. A notorious band of marauding brigands known as the Austoriani plundered various towns in Africa without interruption from Romanus and the armies under his command.6 In Syria the Maratocupeni, who used audacious disguises to conceal their true intentions, plundered a number of towns and estates before being hunted down and totally wiped out along with their families.7
Isaurian brigands, relatively quiet since being severely dealt with during the reign of Constantius II,8 erupted from their strongholds and ravaged Isauria and nearby regions. Musonius, Asiae Vicarious (Deputy Governor of Asia), raised a force of Diogmiae, or lightly equipped troops and attempted to deal with the raiders.9 Unfortunately he was lured into an ambush and was killed. This was the trigger for action to finally be taken against the brigands who were forced back to their mountain strongholds where, after a truce was called for and terms and hostages exchanged they ‘remained quiet for a long time, without venturing on any hostile act’.10
In AD 368 Rando, a prince of the Alamanni tribe, leading a small band of warriors, broke into the city of Mogontiacus (modern Mainz) whilst the Christians there were holding a ceremony. Many were captured by Rando and his men and taken away.11 Valentinian responded to this audacious act by having the Alamanni King Vithicabius assassinated by one of that king’s attendants who had been bribed to carry out the act.12 This led to a decrease in raids by the Alamanni and gave Valentinian time to gather his forces for a campaign against them. Valentinian personally led the army that annihilated the Alamanni at Solicinium, but was almost killed in that battle.13 After Solicinium armies led by his senior generals inflicted several other crushing defeats upon the Alamanni, killing one of their kings and forcing a treaty on them in the process. This quelled further incursions by that tribe and allowed Valentinian to put in place a plan to build a series of fortifications, the ‘mile-forts’, along the length of the Rhine westwards from the province of Raetia to the mouth of the Rhine where this entered the North Sea. And for the first time since the death of Julian, some of these fortifications were built on the north side of the Rhine itself, inside ‘Barbarian’ territory.14
Sharpur II, King of the Sassanid Persians, made an unexpected play for the Kingdom of Armenia during AD 368. He had tricked Arsaces, King of Armenia, to a banquet, captured him, and then had Arsaces murdered.15 Sharpur placed Cylaces, a former Governor of Armenia, and Arrabannes, a former high-ranking military commander of that country, (who had both previously deserted to the Sassanids), in charge of Armenia. These two were charged with capturing Arsaces’ wife and his son, Pap. Unfortunately for Sharpur, these duplicitous men secretly sided with the defenders of the fortified city of Artogerassa where Arsaces’ wife and Pap were located and allowed the army sent to besiege the city to be destroyed by the defenders making a surprise night attack.16 Pap was sent by his mother to Valens who initially kept him within the borders of the Empire but soon sent him back to rule Armenia ‘without any emblems of royal rank’.17 Sharpur invaded Armenia with a large army and devastated that country. King Pap, in company of Cylaces and Arrabannes, fled and hid themselves in the remote countryside for five months. Sharpur, unable to capture Pap, resorted to laying siege to Artogerassa where Arsaces’ wife and the royal treasury were located. Sharpur took the city by storm, capturing both Pap’s mother and the treasury in the process, and then returned back to his own territory as winter was approaching.18
Valens despatched Count Arintheus with an army to the border of Armenia to render that country aid should Sharpur return on a second campaign the following year. Pap meanwhile, at the insistence of Sharpur, had both Cylaces and Arrabannes executed and sent their heads to Sharpur ‘as a sign of his submission’.19 Arintheus’ forces prevented a second invasion of Armenia, and Sharpur sent envoys to Valens asking him not to interfere in the affairs of Armenia, in accordance with the arrangements of the treaty agreed by the Emperor Jovian.20 Valens rejected this out of hand as Sharpur had clearly himself broken that very same treaty by invading Armenia.21 Valens acted swiftly, sending Sauromaces, the former King of Hiberia who had been ousted by Sharpur, with Terentius, a high-ranking Roman general and twelve legions to Hiberia to reinstate Sauromaces to the throne of that country. Sharpur was naturally incensed by this course of events and began to raise an army with aid from nations who bordered his own.22
The situation in the East must have drawn away forces that Valens had planned to use against the Goths at the same time Sharpur had made his play for Armenia and this might go some way to explain the overall lack of a stunning success Valens had during his campaigns from AD 367 to AD 369 against the Goths.
In AD 370 the Saxons, after raiding Britain, then turned their attention on the northern coastal towns of Gaul.23 The local forces under the command of Nannenus could not contain the Saxons, Nannenus, who was himself wounded in an encounter, sent a request to Valentinian for reinforcements. Valentinian despatched Severus, Magister Peditum, with enough troops for the task to aid Nannenus.24 Severus’ force so terrified the Saxons that they begged for peace and pleaded for negotiations to begin before any fighting took place. A truce was agreed and the Saxons were allowed to return to their homelands by an overland route.25 However, Severus despatched part of the army to overtake the Saxons and ambush them. Unfortunately, the Romans hidden in ambush revealed their presence too soon and alerted the Saxons to their presence. The Saxons would have wiped them out had not a troop of Roman heavily armoured cavalry (Catafractarii), who were also sent to ambush the Saxons should they have taken another route, intervened and with their support the Roman infantry not only rallied but completely annihilated the Saxon horde.26
Valentinian however was not done with the Alamanni, and devised a plan that
would have dealt with them and their troublesome King Macrianus had it worked. Valentinian sent envoys to the Burgundians, another Germanic tribe whose territory bordered that of the Alamanni north of the Rhine. The envoys carried letters from Valentinian to the Kings of the Burgundians asking them to attack the Alamanni, and if they did so Valentinian would cross the Rhine with an army so that both combined forces would crush the Alamanni once and for all. The Burgundians were only too keen to agree to this plan; they claimed a certain kinship with the Romans and had various unresolved disputes with the Alamanni.27 For whatever reason, despite the Burgundians sticking faithfully to their side of the bargain, Valentinian failed to turn up at the appointed time and place where both sides were to meet before descending on the Alamanni. Despite sending envoys imploring Valentinian to at least provide them with a safe escort home, no Roman army appeared and the Burgundians returned home in furious indignation.28 When the Burgundian kings learnt of this they killed all the Roman prisoners and hostages in their possession. Meanwhile the Romans took full advantage of the situation. Whilst the Burgundians were returning to their homelands their progress scattered the Alamanni who were in their way, allowing Theodosius, now Magister Equitum, to move through Raetia with an army and he slaughtered or captured all the Alamanni that were in his path.29
If this were not enough, there was dissent and rumblings in the ‘Eternal City’ of Rome itself. The cause of this was the machinations of Maximinus, whom Valentinian had promoted to Prefect of Rome, and his cohort in crime, Leo, who was later to be promoted to the rank of Magistrum Officiorum. These two men caused others to make wide ranging accusations against various nobles, soothsayers, senators and others stating that they were poisoners, adulterers, practitioners of sorcery etc. Many were tortured at a decree of Valentinian, others were executed whilst a lucky few were banished.30 Women of noble birth were similarly accused of fornication and adultery and suffered grisly fates.31 Simplicius of Hemona, who succeeded Maximinus, continued in a similar vein, causing noble women and men alike to suffer terribly. The crimes of Maximinus, Simplicius and all the others who caused fear and woe to descend upon the Eternal City finally had justice meted out to them in a like kind under the reign of Valentinian’s son Gratian when he became Emperor.32
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