Eagles in the Dust

by Adrian Coombs-Hoar

  As he was on his way to the enemy’s rampart, the archers (Sagittarii) and the targeteers (Scutarii), then under the command of one Bacurius of Hiberia and Cassio, had rushed forward too eagerly in hot attack, and were already engaged with their adversaries; and as their charge had been untimely, their retreat was cowardly; and thus they gave an unfavourable omen to the beginning of the battle.

  What had happened? The Sagittarii and the Scutarii were most likely the Scola Scutariorum Prima and the Scola Scutariorum Sagittariorum, two cavalry guard units who I believe were tasked with escorting Richomeres over to the Gothic encampment. There is no clue from the text of Ammianus or any other of the surviving histories who the Sagitarii and the Scutarii were attacking. Most historians feel it was the returning cavalry of Alatheus and Saphrax, although this is not implied by Ammianus. He appears instead to imply that the attack of Bacurius and Cassio was already underway when the Gothic cavalry made its appearance. It may well be the case that Fritigern had tasked some of his Goths to greet Richomeres and his escort, and that the units under the command of Bacurius and Cassio, for whatever reason, then attacked these Goths and then the cavalry under Bacurius and Cassio were then unceremoniously beaten off. I agree it’s not unreasonable to suggest that it was in fact the leading elements of the returning Gothic cavalry Bacurius and Cassio tangled with, especially if it was the case that Richomeres was making his way to the Gothic camp by going around the right flank of the Roman army.

  Ammianus continued:

  This unseasonable proceeding not only thwarted the prompt action of Richomeres, who was not allowed to go at all, but also the Gothic cavalry, returning with Alatheus and Saphrax, combined with a band of Halani (Alans), dashed out as a thunderbolt does near high mountains, and threw into confusion all those whom they could find in the way of their swift onslaught, and quickly slew them.

  The flight of the Sagittarii and the Scutarii caused the right wing cavalry to falter and flee from the battlefield once they saw the Scutarii and Sagittarii hotly pursued by the Gothic cavalry.9 The brittleness of Roman cavalry units is shown within the text of Ammianus, even the lauded Catafractarii/Clibanarii were not immune to being routed, taking the rest of the cavalry with them, as happened at Argentoratum AD 357.10

  So, from which direction on the battlefield had the Gothic cavalry appeared? This is another question that has long vexed historians. This would have depended on what direction the centre of the Roman army was facing towards the Gothic wagons. If the Romans had been marching northwards towards the Gothic camp then the conclusion would be that the centre of the Roman army would have been facing north, but if it were then curved inwards to follow the curve of the Goth wagons then the left wing would have been facing north-easterly and the right wing facing north-westerly. However, we have no idea of what direction the Roman army was facing, it could as easily have been facing east or west or points in between. However see my earlier comments in this chapter for my views on the direction the Romans were facing, and the reasons why. What we can say with some confidence is that the Roman army could not have been facing southwards as this would have meant the Romans having to march around the camp before deploying and Ammianus tells us that the Romans began deploying almost straight after they sighted the Gothic wagons. Also Ammianus states that the sun was over the heads of the Romans, indicating they were not facing into the sun. I am inclined to believe that the Romans were deployed facing in some northward facing direction, keeping the sun out of their eyes but with the sun beating down directly upon their backs. This only slightly helps us to fix the direction of the appearance of the Gothic cavalry. For one thing, we can almost certainly eliminate the Gothic horse appearing in the rear of the Romans as this would have meant that they would have come from the same direction of the Roman route of march, and it’s highly unlikely that the Goths would have sent messengers out to summon the Gothic cavalry if they had to pass by the Romans heading in their direction! So are there any clues as to the initial direction that the Gothic cavalry hit the Roman lines? Well, possibly. If the Gothic cavalry were away foraging for supplies, it was probably the case that these supplies were more likely to be found near to bodies of water, because crops need water in order to grow. If McDowell (2001) is right and the battlefield was located near to Muratcali, then it’s likely the Gothic Cavalry would have been foraging near to the Tonzos River to the west. There is a problem with this suggestion in that the Tonzos River is only an hour’s fast ride away at most from Muratcali, and the cavalry coming from that direction would have initially attacked the Roman left flank, and I believe the Goths initially attacked the right flank. There is of course the possibility that the Gothic cavalry were not out in one group, they may have been split into a number of groups and these groups returned at the battlefield at different times, which would have explained why the Roman left flank infantry were able to assault the wagons before the Gothic cavalry arrived on that flank and drove off the Roman cavalry. However, if Runkel (1904) is right and the battle was near to Demirhanli, then it’s likely the Gothic cavalry would have been coming from the east as there is a large source of water at Habiller Sulama Goleti, or even northeast at Geckinli Goleti; this would also have meant that farms would have been located near to these water sources where food and fodder could have been plundered. This last source of water could also have been used if the Goths were camped in the area between Korucu, Sinankoy and Ortakci. They could also have obtained water from a lake near Taslimusellim in the north-east. So, Korucu and Sinankov would have required the Gothic horse to have approached the Romans from the north-east, from Ortakci from the north-east or from almost due east. Of course if it was just water that the cavalry were sent to collect then they could have taken the water from any local stream, but why then were they described as being ‘far away’, which would be the case if they were foraging around the Tonzos River or around the other bodies of water I have mentioned. I am of course fully aware of my previous caveat in that earthquakes in this region may have obliterated the original water sources and the large bodies of water may have not existed in AD 378 that I described above. However, if they did exist, as does the Tonzos now, then we have three choices from where the Gothic cavalry came from. They either came from the west/north-west (Muratcali), north/north-east (Korucu, Sinankov, Demirhanli and Ortakci), or east (Ortakci and Demirhanli). There is also fourth possibility, which is a more speculative one. Were the Gothic cavalry that attacked the Romans not the ones that were out foraging for supplies, but instead were those despatched by Fritigern to scout the way to Constantinople and who had arrived unexpectedly? If they were then they would have been coming from either the north-east or from an easterly direction. If however they were coming from the Tonzos River, this would have meant them striking the Roman lines from a westerly direction, which seems unlikely as all the evidence points to an attack on the right flank.

  Having established that the Gothic cavalry could have arrived in one of three directions, possibly of course from more than one direction at once, can we say which of these three directions is more likely? If I am right in my argument that Richomeres moved around the right flank with his escort and his escort then engaged in combat with the Goths, then the Gothic cavalry must have come from the north-east. See further arguments on this point below.

  The Gothic cavalry’s arrival initiated a general engagement, the Gothic cavalry then charging into the Roman infantry line after the Roman right wing cavalry routed. Chaos and confusion reigned within the Roman lines.

  Ammianus described it graphically:

  On every side armour and weapons clashed, and Bellona, raging with more than usual madness for the destruction of the Romans, blew her lamentable war-trumpets; our soldiers who were giving way rallied, exchanging many encouraging shouts, but the battle, spreading like flames, filled their hearts with terror, as numbers of them were pierced by strokes of whirling spears and arrows. Then the lines dashed together like beaked ships, pushing each othe
r back and forth in turn, and tossed about by alternate movements, like waves at sea.

  Now, we have to understand that as Ammianus was not at the battle in person he could not have really known what happened. He could however use his previous military experience as a Tribune in the Roman army, fighting in campaigns both in the West and East, to give an insight to what it must have been like for the troops at that battle. He also must have relied on both personal accounts from survivors of the battle, and other histories written after the battle itself, and now sadly lost, for his information. Much of what he said about the battle may well have more than a touch of artistic licence about it, he was after all telling a story, but there must be a great deal of truth mixed in with the flavour of the story.

  From the above we can see that the arrival of the Gothic cavalry led to a general engagement, with what appears some Gothic infantry being present outside of the wagons also attacking the Roman lines. This is evidenced by the phrase ‘Then the lines dashed together like beaked ships, pushing each other back and forth in turn.’ This sounds more like an infantry clash where opposing men push against the enemies’ shields to try and overwhelm them rather than a mass of cavalry trying to break through the Roman lines. ‘Beaked ships’ could be a reference to infantry on both sides being in ‘cuneus’ or ‘wedge’ shaped formations, which both the Romans and other Germanic enemies had been noted by Ammianus as using in a number of battles in his history. There is no indication who is throwing the spears or firing the arrows, probably a mixture of both Gothic infantry and their horsemen. The Roman line appears to have stabilized and there is no indication that things will go from bad to worse very rapidly. However, it was at this point that it appears the Roman cavalry, what remained of it on the battlefield at least, deserted the infantry and left them to certain doom.

  And because the left wing, which had made its way as far as the very wagons, and would have gone farther if it had had any support, being deserted by the rest of the cavalry, was hard pressed by the enemy’s numbers, it was crushed, and over-whelmed, as if by the downfall of a mighty rampart.

  Sozomen stated ‘His (Valens’) cavalry was dispersed, his infantry compelled to retreat.’

  Or as Socrates put it ‘… the cavalry revolted and refused to engage, the infantry were surrounded by the barbarians’.

  Orosius echoed these two when he stated ‘As soon as the squadrons of Roman cavalry were thrown into confusion by the sudden attack of the Goths, they left the companies of infantrymen without protection.’

  Now, back to a point I made earlier about which direction the attacking Gothic cavalry had come from. If the Gothic cavalry had appeared towards the Roman right flank this would account for the fact that the Roman left wing had time to actually move up to and assault the defenders behind the Gothic wagons. It would also account for the fact that there appears to have been a combined attack from both the Gothic cavalry and Gothic infantry on the right side of the Roman army, which does not appear to have happened on the Roman left flank because if it had then Ammianus would surely have mentioned that the Romans on the left had engaged and beaten the Goths back towards the protection of the wagons. One can imagine the scene where the Goths in the wagon laager, observing the Gothic cavalry appearing and attacking the Roman right wing cavalry and driving it away, openly left the wagon laager and joined in the assault on the Roman infantry nearest that flank. The Roman left wing, and possibly the Goths behind the wagons facing them, may have been blissfully unaware of events on the Roman right until the Roman cavalry on the left suddenly deserted. And why would the Roman cavalry on the left suddenly desert if the infantry they were supporting were on the threshold of actually storming the wagons? There can only be one explanation: more Gothic cavalry appeared out of the blue on the Roman left, causing the Roman cavalry to panic and flee the battlefield. Now, either these Goths were new arrivals, having come from a different direction and taken a bit longer to reach the battlefield, or, and more likely, they were part of the main Gothic cavalry group who had made their way around the back of the wagon laager, where no Roman forces were present to oppose them, and then suddenly appeared right on top of the Roman cavalry who were totally unaware of their presence, concentrating as they were on assisting the infantry who were attacking the Gothic defenders behind the wagons. It’s no wonder then that the Roman cavalry on the left reeled back and then fled under this unforeseen attack, imitating as they did so their fellows on the right flank. So, it appears to me highly likely that the Gothic cavalry appeared on the Roman right flank and that part of it swept around the back of the wagon laager to chase away the Roman cavalry on the left flank. And it may not have been a very large number of Gothic cavalry required to do this either, even fifty cavalrymen appearing as if out of nowhere would seem like ten times their number to those who were not expecting their presence. It’s almost certain that at this point there were no Roman cavalry remaining on the battlefield, none had been placed in reserve, the reserves had been all infantry according to Ammianus. The battle now moved rapidly towards the decisive end game:

  The foot-soldiers thus stood unprotected, and their companies (manipulis) were so crowded together that hardly anyone could pull out his sword or draw back his arm. Because of clouds of dust the heavens could no longer be seen, and echoed with frightful cries. Hence the arrows whirling death from every side always found their mark with fatal effect, since they could not be seen beforehand nor guarded against. But when the barbarians, pouring forth in huge hordes, trampled down horse and man, and in the press of ranks no room for retreat could be gained anywhere, and the increased crowding left no opportunity for escape, our soldiers also, showing extreme contempt of falling in the fight, received their death-blows, yet struck down their assailants; and on both sides the strokes of axes split helmet and breastplate. Here one might see a barbarian filled with lofty courage, his cheeks contracted in a hiss, hamstrung or with right hand severed, or pierced through the side, on the very verge of death threateningly casting about his fierce glance; and by the fall of the combatants on both sides the plains were covered with the bodies of the slain strewn over the ground, while the groans of the dying and of those who had suffered deep wounds caused immense fear when they were heard. In this great tumult and confusion the infantry, exhausted by their efforts and the danger, when in turn strength and mind for planning anything were lacking, their lances (hastarum) for the most part broken by constant clashing, content to fight with drawn swords, plunged into the dense masses of the foe, regardless of their lives, seeing all around that every loophole of escape was lost. The ground covered with streams of blood whirled their slippery foothold from under them, so they could only strain every nerve to sell their lives dearly; and they opposed the onrushing foe with such great resolution that some fell by the weapons of their own comrades. Finally, when the whole scene was discoloured with the hue of dark blood, and wherever men turned their eyes heaps of slain met them, they trod upon the bodies of the dead without mercy. Now the sun had risen higher, and when it had finished its course through Leo, and was passing into the house of the heavenly Virgo, and scorched the Romans, who were more and more exhausted by hunger and worn out by thirst, as well as distressed by the heavy burden of their armour. Finally our line was broken by the onrushing weight of the barbarians, and since that was the only resort in their last extremity, they took to their heels in disorder as best they could.

  Ammianus described here how the infantry ‘stood unprotected’ due to the flight of the remaining Roman cavalry and that they were ‘so crowded together that hardly anyone could pull out his sword or draw back his arm’. This graphically illustrated that both flanks of the Roman army were being compressed at this point by Gothic troops attacking them from the left and right flanks. Gothic infantry left the wagon laager, in ‘huge hordes’, any fear of the Romans now vanished, and the Goths scented victory. This caused there to be a compressed, confused mass of men and horses, both Roman and Goth, all of wh
ich became trampled in the press. No retreat could be found for the Romans caught up in this confused melee. Of course, Ammianus is putting a bit of a spin on the Roman courage and determination in the face of defeat; it’s not hard to see men surrounded on all sides fighting for their very lives not needing any sort of contempt for their own death! It’s interesting here to note that at least some of the Romans appear to be armed with axes, which is not too surprising. The troops may have been issued with axes in case they were expected to assault the wagons as they would have needed a weapon able to cut through the wood of the wagons, and any barricades strung between the intervals of the wagons. The Notitia Dignitatum, an official record of the location of late Roman units and officials dating to around the AD ‘390s’ to the ‘420s’ shows a number of fabracae (factories) that produced axes of various types, so axes were not unknown to the late Roman army. The above statement also appears to show that the axes were strong enough to cut through both ‘helmet and breastplate’, or – as a more correct translation of ‘loricae’ would be – ‘body armour’.

  Ammianus dramatically described how bravely the Goth warriors fought, how the battlefield became strewn with the bodies of the dead and dying, how the Roman spears became ‘broken by constant clashing’ and the infantry then having to rely solely on their drawn swords, and how the Roman infantry, surrounded on all sides, exhausted and with their strength failing, ‘plunged into the dense masses of the foe, regardless of their lives, seeing all around that every loophole of escape was lost’. It is interesting that the Roman infantry appear to have retained their spears instead of throwing them into the Gothic mass as they may have been expected to do in previous times when they were armed with the pilum, despite Vegetius implying that spiculum had the same armour penetration ability of the pilum it appeared to have replaced. This gives some weight to the idea that Late Roman infantry at this date could fight in a foulkion type formation, a shield wall, relying mostly on their spear for hand to hand combat rather than the sword.11 It may also be the case that as the Romans were fighting a mixture of both Gothic cavalry and infantry at this point so that retaining the spear to fend off the cavalry was a better tactic than throwing the spear on first contact. Whatever the case was, the Romans were still fighting hard at this point of the narrative, even when they were totally surrounded and no visible means of escape presented itself. However, this would not last long. The ground became soaked in blood and both sides were forced to trample over the bodies of the dead and dying. The sun was now beginning to head towards the horizon and the Romans began to suffer from exhaustion caused by ‘hunger and worn out by thirst’, as well as being ‘distressed by the heavy burden of their armour’. At this critical moment disaster struck; as Ammianus put it: ‘Finally our line was broken by the onrushing weight of the barbarians, and since that was the only resort in their last extremity, they took to their heels in disorder as best they could.’ Without any visible support close to hand, it’s not hard to see why the infantry took flight. The battle entered its end phase.