‘THE DUKE OF Suffolk’s daughter, who has been accepted as Queen, is at the Tower with her ladies and Council; and it is said she will not move thence nor have herself crowned for a fortnight or more.’33 Perhaps it was with her coronation in mind that on 14 July, the day of Northumberland’s departure from London, Jane’s thoughts turned to one of the more pleasurable aspects of queenship. On that day, ‘by our order and commandment’, she instructed Sir Andrew Dudley to deliver ‘unto our own hands those jewels and other things’ that had once adorned her royal predecessors.34 Jane would have learned, both from her mother and from the late Katherine Parr, of the importance of projecting the royal image of grandeur and majesty, and jewels were an integral part of that process. They were a visible symbol of wealth and status in an age in which an outward display of magnificence could leave a lasting impression on contemporaries. If Jane were to succeed in her role as queen, it was imperative that she should look the part. She had already ordered Dudley to deliver ‘for our use of our silks and other stuff’, including ‘twenty yards of crimson velvet to cover two chairs and two close stools’, as well as some Holland cloth.35
As the coffers of jewels arrived, there were hundreds of pieces from which Jane could choose, and she must have been dazzled by the assortment of objects and the shining gold inlaid with a variety of beautiful gemstones.36 Not only were there brooches, including one with ‘nineteen table rubies and two table diamonds and eight red rubies’ surrounding a picture, but there were also bracelets, rings, ‘a cross of ten diamonds and three pearls pendant’, pairs of beautiful beads, buttons ‘set with table rubies’, and girdles. In addition, there were also clocks, aiglettes, a toothpick shaped like a fish, and even ‘two glasses with ostrich feathers’, and crystal handles.37 Jane must have been particularly interested in the books that formed part of the collection, and included ‘a book garnished with gold and covered with black velvet’, and ‘a book garnished with Acorns of Gold’.38 She may have taken less notice of the jewels that had a romantic theme, such as the ‘fair tablet with Cupid’s face’, ‘a spoon of gold with a Cupid on the knot’, and ‘a heart enamelled red’.39 This vast collection, now at Jane’s disposal, formed the jewels with which she would adorn her royal person, helping to transform her image into that of a queen who was determined to make a positive impact on her people.
As if that were not enough, a further coffer containing yet more treasures arrived from the Palace of Westminster, some of which were perhaps intended for Guildford’s use. Listed among them were ‘A sword girdle of red silk and gold’, a shirt, ‘the collar and ruffles of gold’, and perhaps significantly given Jane’s previous declaration that she would make her husband a duke rather than king, ‘A coronet for a duke, set with five roses of diamonds, six small pointed diamonds, one table emerald, six great ballasses [rubies], seven blue sapphires and thirty-eight great pearls, with a cap of crimson velvet, and a roll of powdered armyons [ermines] about the same.’40 There were also several beautiful mufflers; one of purple velvet embroidered with pearls and ‘garnished with small stones of sundry sorts, and lined with white satin’, some rich hats and a ‘purse of a sable skin perfumed’.41 With so many luxury items now in her possession, Jane must have looked every inch the queen.42
WHILE JANE BUSIED herself with thoughts of grandeur, elsewhere in the realm support for Mary was growing each day. By 12 July Mary had reached her formidable stronghold of Framlingham Castle. As ‘the strongest castle in Suffolk’, Framlingham was more easily defensible than Kenninghall, with battlements that commanded views of the countryside for miles around.43 That same day, Mary sent to the city of Norwich ordering the citizens to proclaim her queen. Initially refusing ‘because they were not certain of the king’s death’, soon after when ‘rumours both of the king’s death and of her bid for the throne were spreading far and wide through Norfolk and Suffolk with incredible speed’, the city not only proclaimed for Mary, ‘but also sent men and weapons to aid her’.44 At Framlingham men began flocking to her banner, determined to do all that they could to help Mary claim her rightful inheritance. From London, in an exaggerated report, the Imperial ambassadors had heard that ‘Her forces are said to amount to 15,000 men’, and that more and more people were ‘rising against the royal authority (royaulme) and, more especially, against the Duke of Northumberland’.45 Though the ambassadors also claimed that ‘It seems to us there are many people in the realm who love the Lady Mary and hate the Duke and his children,’ it was Northumberland who was considered to be the real villain.46 That Jane was barely given a mention in their reports is a demonstration of the fact that she was simply viewed as a figurehead whose royal blood validated Northumberland’s attempts to hold on to power. It must have come as a further boost when news reached Mary that the sailors in the fleet at Yarmouth that Northumberland had rallied had now mutinied in her favour. Mary’s outward show of self-assurance and fighting spirit did much to inspire those who followed her, and encouraged others to join her cause.
As he marched towards East Anglia, however, Northumberland was still confident of success. Shortly after his departure from London his close supporter Sir John Gates followed him and more supplies were not far behind. He seemed oblivious to the fact that he was hated throughout the land, and that few men cheered or joined his ranks as he passed. So assured was he of victory that he wrote to the Council ‘that within a few days he would bring her Highness captive or dead, like a rebel as she was’, and ‘assuredly all thought so too’.47 Despite Northumberland’s confidence, the Council were becoming increasingly concerned by the regular reports of Mary’s popularity. For Jane there was no such warmth.
In a further attempt to turn the hearts of the Londoners towards Jane, on 16 July the Bishop of London, Nicholas Ridley, preached at St Paul’s Cross of the death of Edward VI, and declared that the Ladies Mary and Elizabeth ‘were both base born’, and therefore illegitimate.48 However, ‘the people murmured sore’ at his words, for their feelings towards Queen Jane had not thawed.49 The citizens were in fact becoming more outspoken, and ‘fortune was beginning to smile on sacred Mary’s righteous undertaking’ as ‘men from all ranks of life were joining her every day’.50 This ‘wonderfully strengthened and augmented’ Mary’s forces: it was becoming clear that the odds were turning in her favour, and she was now rumoured to have thirty thousand men ready to fight for her.51 Besides that, more were expected to join her, and the Imperial ambassadors believed that ‘As far as we are able to ascertain, the Duke is so hated for his tyranny and ambition that there is likelihood that the Lady Mary, if she is able to hold her own in the first encounter, will give him a great deal of trouble, induce many more men to join her, and may perhaps come to the throne.’52 So fervent were the Londoners in their loyalty to Mary, that Jane’s Council were forced to take precautions:
A strong guard is being mounted round the Tower, where the Queen and the Council are, to protect her from a popular tumult; for they know that my Lady Mary is loved throughout the kingdom, and that the people are aware of their wicked complaisance in allowing the Duke to cheat her of her right.53
Though concealed from view behind the Tower’s walls, nothing could hide Queen Jane from the people’s hostility. During the six days since her proclamation, the people’s antipathy to her had intensified, for many believed that she was ‘falsely styled queen’.54 The report of the Imperial ambassadors painted a realistic picture of what the atmosphere in the Tower must have been like as those inside deliberated and waited for news from Northumberland: ‘it does appear that the Council are anxious, fearing that the people may rise, that my Lady’s forces may grow stronger, and that the new Queen may not be accepted by the Commons’.55 It was perhaps this that prompted Jane to issue another warrant to the Lieutenancy of Surrey in a further bid to demand support. After once more asserting the legitimacy of her claim, Jane continued:
We understand the Lady Mary doth not cease by letters in her name, provoked thereto by her adherents, en
emies of this realm, to publish and notify slanderously to divers of our subjects matter derogatory to our title and dignity royal, with the slander of certain of our Nobility and Council, we have thought mete to admonish and exhort you, as our true and faithful subjects, to remain fast in your obeisance and duty to the imperial Crown of this Realm, whereof we have justly the possession; and not to be removed any wise from your duty by slanderous reports or letters, dispersed abroad either by the said Lady Mary, or by her adherents.56
After reiterating once more that it was by King Edward’s wishes that she had succeeded, Jane’s letter ended:
Wherefore we leave to proceed further therein, being assured in the goodness of God that your hearts shall be confirmed to owe your duty to us your sovereign Lady, who means to preserve this Crown of England in the royal blood, and out of the [blank] of strangers and papists, with the defence of all you our good subjects, your lives, lands, and goods, in our peace against the invasions and violence of all foreign or inward enemies and rebels.57
Authoritatively signing her name ‘Jane the Queen’, Jane had done all that she could in her attempt to assert her sovereignty and obtain the support of her subjects.58 Support for her cause was fading fast as people across the land continued to declare for Mary, yet still she clung to her title. However, Jane and her father were quickly losing any control they held over the Council, ‘who were as though prisoners in the power of Lady Jane and the Duke of Suffolk’.59 With every hour that passed, more news reached them that Mary’s popularity was continuing to soar, and that an increasing number of lords across the counties were declaring for her. From the Tower there was little else that they could do aside from issuing proclamations in Jane’s name, and punishing those who spoke against her. One man who had written a letter addressed to Jane and the Council was thrown into the Tower, for ‘it is presumed that the letter’s contents were scandalous’.60 All other hopes for the success of Jane’s cause now lay in Northumberland’s hands.
CHAPTER 15
Jana Non Regina
ON 17 JULY the Duke and his men approached the market town of Bury St Edmunds, where Jane’s maternal grandmother lay buried in the church of St Mary’s.1 Bury was just twenty-four miles from Mary’s base at Framlingham Castle, and as he marched his forces through the East Anglian countryside, Northumberland was becoming continuously aware that the mood of the capital was reflected elsewhere in the country. Everywhere he went, the Duke had ‘commanded the country people to follow him, and he had fourteen large and small pieces of artillery, twelve cart-loads of pikes and spears, four of arquebuses and many more of other munitions with which to arm the men he intended to levy’.2 Despite this impressive show of arms, the response was disappointing, and the Imperial ambassadors were of the opinion that ‘For the moment she [Mary] appears to be stronger than the Duke, and every day we hear people muttering against her [Jane] and preparing to declare for her.’3 Having reached Bury, the Duke’s men, ‘eager to come to a contest, had struck camp’ and waited for their orders.4 Informed of the growing size of Mary’s force, Northumberland sent desperately to the Council to beg for more men, but his request fell on deaf ears. His confidence was slowly ebbing away. Feeling unready for a military confrontation and left with no other choice, the Duke and his men retreated the thirty miles from Bury to Cambridge in an attempt to raise more support. By the time they reached the city, however, ‘men were abandoning him daily’, and Mary was ‘gaining reinforcements every hour’.5 With most of his men now deserting, it seemed as though the decisive moment had already passed without so much as a sword being crossed. While Northumberland did not want to admit it, one thing was becoming startlingly clear: Jane’s reign was about to come crashing down.
IN LONDON, ‘THE Council was troubled, the people murmuring, and everything of doubtful issue’.6 Support for Queen Jane was quickly fading away, and as she remained in the Tower, anxiously waiting for news from her father-in-law, her Councillors, whispering among themselves, agreed that her cause was lost. According to a contemporary eyewitness:
Those who remained at London, as though for the purpose of protecting Jane and retaining the city in its allegiance, begin forthwith to consult about deserting her; for which they plausibly allege, partly their fear of the people, all of whom are flocking to Mary, and partly the well-being of the kingdom, lest it should suffer from intestine [internal] war.7
As ‘Suffolk and Jane could not hinder them’, one by one Jane’s Council managed to slip out of the Tower.8 By the evening of 18 July, only Jane’s parents, her husband, mother-in-law and her ladies remained by her side – those who were too helplessly entangled to walk away. Like Jane, they had no choice but to wait, hoping beyond hope that by some miracle Northumberland would triumph, and secure their safety and Jane’s throne.
Less than a mile away from the Tower on the banks of the Thames stood the former royal palace of Baynard’s Castle.9 Originally a Norman structure, it was at Baynard’s that Richard III had been proclaimed king in 1483. It was now the home of William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, and it was here that Jane’s younger sister Katherine had come to reside following her recent marriage to Pembroke’s heir, Henry.10 Perhaps Katherine noticed her father-in-law’s anxiety and heard the voices of the troubled men, as on the morning of 19 July, following their desertion of Jane in the Tower, Pembroke and his colleagues gathered at Baynard’s. They began crisis talks over the situation in which they now found themselves. They had all declared for Jane, and had all allowed themselves to become entangled in Northumberland’s schemes; had they not signed Edward’s Letters Patent, and the letter to Mary in which they declared their allegiance to Queen Jane? The events of the past nine days since Jane’s public proclamation, however, had revealed that Jane was an unpopular choice in the country, and that the Councillors would now have to decide where their true obedience lay. For Pembroke the situation was particularly delicate, for his son’s marriage to Katherine Grey and her residence at Baynard’s served as tangible evidence of where his loyalties had once lain.
It was Jane’s uncle, the Earl of Arundel, who first broached the subject of abandoning Jane’s cause. Forgetting any sense of family loyalty, and perhaps also motivated by religious considerations, for he was an ardent Catholic, ‘the chief instigator of this revolution’ made an impassioned speech to his colleagues, exhorting them to abandon Jane in favour of Mary:11
And if by chance you should feel somehow guilty proclaiming now our Queen My Lady Mary, having acclaimed Jane only a few days ago, showing such quick change of mind, I tell you that this is no reason to hesitate, because having sinned it befits always to amend, especially when, as in the present circumstances, it means honour for your goodselves, welfare and freedom for our country, love and loyalty to his King, peace and contentment for all the people.12
In Arundel’s eyes it was clear that supporting Jane had been a terrible mistake, and that there was only one path now open to them. After such a moving speech, and ‘as almost all had only consented to this treason under constraint’, most of the Councillors agreed with him.13 First among them was Pembroke, who was already planning to distance himself from Jane’s family still further by suing for the annulment of his son’s marriage to Katherine Grey: Katherine would be returned home, and Pembroke would be free to arrange a new advantageous match for his son.14 Without the overbearing presence of Northumberland to urge them to remain faithful, each man in turn now took up his pen and signed his name to Mary’s proclamation. All promises to the dead King Edward were forgotten, all promises to Queen Jane cast aside.
THAT SAME MORNING, Jane had awoken in the Tower as Queen of England, and was still deferred to as such by those around her. She knew that her Council had fled, but her mind was temporarily distracted from her tumultuous situation when she was asked to stand as godmother to the son of Edward Underhill. Underhill was a Tower warder, whose son was being christened that morning in the nearby church of All Hallows next to Tower Hill.15 As godmother, Jan
e was given the honour of choosing the child’s name. It was perhaps in a show of unity that she named her new godson ‘Guildford after her husband’.16 As was her prerogative, though, Jane did not attend the child’s christening in person, and instead elected a representative. As Lady Anne Throckmorton left the Tower to attend the christening on her behalf, Jane had no forewarning of what would happen next.
At Baynard’s Castle the Councillors were resolute in their decision, and before long William Cecil would be marking documents signed ‘Jane the Queen’ with ‘Jana non Regina’ (Jane not the Queen). Before making their news public, however, they approached Mary’s staunchest supporters in England: the Imperial ambassadors. ‘They informed them that they had decided to proclaim the Lady Mary Queen. Most of them, they said, had been compelled by force to proclaim the other,’ and now wished to correct their mistake.17 The ambassadors were delighted at the reversal of Mary’s fortunes in winning their allegiance, and ‘every one considers her success a miracle and the work of the Divine Will, considering how long the Duke of Northumberland had been laying his plans’.18 Pointedly ignoring the fact that they had not yet informed Jane of the result of their discussions, the Council proceeded to Cheapside. Their blatant disregard for the girl they had recently proclaimed queen demonstrates that they had never truly been loyal to her, and that to them she had been a mere puppet in a much bigger game. Now the tide had turned, and the Council had turned with it. At Cheapside, ‘big crowds had assembled’, eagerly waiting to hear what the Councillors had to say.19 As spokesman for the Council, it was Pembroke who addressed the crowds of excited Londoners. He began:
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