For more on Marco’s estate and the legal actions undertaken by his heirs, see Rolfo Gallo’s “Nuovi documenti riguardanti Marco Polo e la sua familiglia.” This is a useful survey, but details of these long-ago transactions may not be accurate, or accurately translated. Gallo surmises that on their return from China, Marco and his father and uncle devoted their riches to enlarging their home or buying a new one. Moneta’s will is quoted by Hart in Marco Polo, page 61.
EPILOGUE / The Storyteller
Bonaguisi is quoted by Hart in Marco Polo, page 259; on page 248 Hart mentions Fantina’s legal actions.
Moule and Pelliot discuss the dissemination of Marco Polo’s account in The Description of the World on page 40 of volume 1. For an interesting analysis of its flaws and inconsistencies, see John Critchley, Marco Polo’s Book, especially pages 1–11. Critchley can be rigorous to a fault, but he has a wonderful eye for contradictions and instances of illogic. For a comparison of various early Marco Polo texts, see Moule and Pelliot’s version, The Description of the World, volume 1, beginning on page 499. And for a complete list of early Marco Polo books and manuscripts, see the same volume, beginning on page 509. Also see Yule and Cordier’s edition, volume 2, beginning on page 523.
Il “Milione” veneto, edited by Alvaro Barbieri and Alvise Andreose, with an introduction by Lorenzo Renzi (who also refers to the possibility of manuscripts chained to the Rialto Bridge), contains a comprehensive, detailed account of the origins and relationships among various Marco Polo manuscripts. Renzi credits Luigi Foscolo Benedetto, who “untangled the dense mass of manuscripts…and devised the first systematic review of the multitude of witnesses” in 1928. Drawing on Benedetto’s work, Renzi summarizes, in part: “The more than 130 codices that have handed down to us the different versions of Polo’s work can be split into two main groups, labeled A and B, whose archetypes issue from a partially corrupted apocryphal version (01) of the lost original (0). Between the two derivative copies of 01, that differed one from the other for the degree of deterioration of the reading and reduction of content, the prototype of the B group was closer to the model. Group A is further divided into F, the only complete testimony in original linguistic form, and three conspicuous families that emanate from three lost Franco-Italian exemplars (F1, F2, F3), similar to F, but unrelated to it. F1 is the model of the rewriting in good French attributed to Grégoire (FG); from F2 issues the most ancient Tuscan abridgement (TA); from F3 the version of the Veneto region that we hereby publish. Group B comprises instead four editions that represent, to different degrees and levels, ‘a phase before F,’ meaning a more conservative stage in the transmission of Marco’s book. It includes Z, a Latin version of rich content, V, a rather rough translation in Veneto dialect, L, a Latin abridgement and VB, a very free Venetian re-elaboration, full of interpolations and misunderstandings. These texts presume lost Franco-Italian influences that should have been very close to F in form and subject, but are generally more correct in interpretation and more complete through certain passages….”
Some scholars insist that Columbus made his annotations in 1497 or 1498. For an extended discussion of the issue, see Larner’s Marco Polo and the Discovery of the World, beginning on page 155, and El libro de Marco Polo anotado por Cristóbal Colón, edited by Juan Gil. Unlike Larner, Felipe Fernández-Armesto, in his Columbus, pages 36–37, states that the admiral consulted Marco’s Travels in advance of the first voyage to the New World.
Hart (Marco Polo) presents the Samuel Purchas quotation on page 111. John Livingston Lowes, in The Road to Xanadu: A Study in the Ways of the Imagination, page 324 and following, opines that Coleridge’s memory was faulty, and that the poet actually had his famous opium dream in 1796. Caroline Alexander’s noteworthy study The Way to Xanadu contains a discussion of Coleridge and Marco Polo on pages xiv and xv.
In The Medieval Expansion of Europe, second edition, pages 194–195, J.R.S. Phillips discusses Mandeville and Polo. The enlightening introduction by C.W.R.D. Moseley to the Penguin edition of The Travels of Sir John Mandeville, pages 9–39, is also worth consulting.
Yule and Cordier’s assessments of Marco Polo can be found in volume 1, pages 1 and 106–107, of their edition of the Travels. Despite its devotion to the minutiae of Marco’s account, and its charming record of correspondence among Victorian gentleman travelers concerning their impressions of Polo, their massive edition has its idiosyncrasies, of which the modern reader should be cognizant. When they find a passage too explicit for their taste, they silently omit it. More seriously, they delete entire sections late in Marco’s account, claiming that they are inferior, or, as they put it (volume 2, page 456), “are the merest verbiage and repetition of narrative formulae without the slightest value”—a highly questionable assessment, and not in keeping with their generally estimable scholarship.
The question of maps is one of the most vexed in all of Polo scholarship. It is possible that Marco intended to include some routes of use to merchants in his account, but they have been lost, or Rustichello, a romance writer rather than a geographer, failed to include them. Some contenders, or pretenders, to the status of Marco Polo maps have surfaced over time, but their authenticity is doubtful. For a review of these intriguing items, see Leo Bagrow’s “The Maps from the Home Archives of the Descendents of a Friend of Marco Polo.” It should be noted that maps discussed by Bagrow are modern copies of older maps, or purported older maps. It is possible that the maps that have been attributed to Marco Polo are nothing more than an elaborate scholarly hoax. Johann Ruysch is quoted by Hart in Marco Polo, pages 260–261. Also refer to J. H. Parry, The Discovery of the Sea, first California edition (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981), page 51.
The best discussion in English of the Great Wall, as it relates to Marco Polo’s account, is Arthur N. Waldron’s “The Problem of the Great Wall of China.”
For a succinct discussion of the donnybrook kicked up by Frances Wood, see Luce Boulnois, The Silk Road, pages 353–355. Igor de Rachewiltz offers a persuasive and detailed critique of Frances Wood’s book in his “F. Wood’s Did Marco Polo Go to China?” For an even more detailed critique of Wood’s book, see de Rachewiltz, “Marco Polo Went to China.” My thanks to Professor de Rachewiltz for an appendix of additions and corrections to his work, which includes his observation about Chinese cartographers.
For a fine technical discussion about how Marco’s account of escorting the Mongolian princess Kokachin to Persia amounts to proof that Marco Polo went to China and served Kublai Khan, see Francis Woodman Cleaves, “A Chinese Source Bearing on Marco Polo’s Departure from China and a Persian Source on His Arrival in Persia.”
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