by Robyn Walker
Battalion Headquarters, HQ Company, and several other small detachments were deployed in the Tai Tam area; “A” Company Headquarters and two platoons were at Windy Gap with one platoon at D’Aguilar Point. “B” Company Headquarters and one platoon were at Stanley View, one platoon was between Mary Knowl Convent and Stanley Bay, while a third platoon took up position at the Y in the road leading to Stanley Village.
Sergeant Gander’s “C” Company was held in reserve in the Lye Mun region with three company platoons and four reinforcement platoons. “D” Company Headquarters was positioned at Obelisk Hill with three platoons at Ty Tam Tuk.20 Several small detachments of the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps, the Royal Scots, the Middlesex Regiments, and the Rajputs and Punjabs were scattered throughout the positions held by the Royal Rifles.21 Having taken up their defensive positions the British and Canadian troops could only watch and wait for the inevitable arrival of the Japanese.
5: The Battle Rages
On December 8, 1941, just after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor,1 the Battle of Hong Kong began. At 4:45 a.m. a British intelligence officer monitoring Japanese radio newscasts heard the following message, “The Army and Navy divisions of Imperial Headquarters jointly announced at six o’clock this morning (Tokyo time), December 8, that the Imperial Japanese Army and Navy forces have begun hostilities against the American and British forces in the Pacific at dawn today.”2 However, breakdowns in communications meant that not all units were aware of the outbreak of hostilities. An inefficient telephone system, and the fact that the declaration of hostilities was received over the radio at 4:45 a.m. when many in Hong Kong were still asleep, created this dilemma. Unaware of any declaration of war, the administrative personnel of the Royal Rifles, who were still stationed at Sham Shui Po Barracks, were startled by the appearance of planes overhead.Captain E.L. Hurd recorded the scene in his diary:
On the morning of December 8th, strange aircraft were noted
flying over our Barracks, and a few minutes later three planes
returned. At the same time the Air Raid Signal was heard over
Kowloon. This was 0800 hrs. and at the time we had received
no news about hostilities. I was discussing the alarm with Capt.
Thompson, and at the same time noticed three bombs drop from
one plane … We dashed into Capt. Barnett’s room, just as the
bombs hit. Some hit in the Jubillee Bld’g near where our officers
were quartered. Another hit still closer, probably forty feet from
where we were taking cover. Two others hit in front of the Ration
Stores near the main gate. There were several casualties in this area
but with the exception of two O.R. of Brigade Staff, they were all
Chinese servants … Fortunately there were no injuries received
here on Royal Rifles.3
The Japanese bombers released much of their bomb load over Kai Tac Airport, located on the north side of Kowloon Bay, Kowloon, Hong Kong, rendering the facility useless. In one fell swoop the Japanese had achieved air superiority. The pitifully inadequate Royal Air Force stationed there was completely destroyed on the ground, and the nearest RAF station was located over 2,400 kilometres away, in Malaya.4 On a second pass over Kowloon, the Japanese bombers dropped leaflets demanding the immediate surrender of Hong Kong.
With the achievement of air superiority, the Japanese ground troops marched into the New Territories, the northern most region of the Hong Kong colony, virtually unopposed. As they had been ordered to do by Brigadier Wallis, the forward-based Punjabi contingent commenced the demolition of bridges, roads, and railways, and began their withdrawal towards the Gin Drinker’s Line. However, their demolition efforts did little to slow the Japanese movement towards the Island, and by the morning of December 9, their troops were facing the Gin Drinker’s Line. By December 10, the Line had been totally penetrated and the British troops were pulling back towards Hong Kong Island. Efforts to slow the Japanese advance were ineffective and General Maltby ordered a general withdrawal. By the morning of December 13, all British and Canadian forces on the mainland had been evacuated to Hong Kong Island.
The Japanese followed up this withdrawal with a request for surrender. It was refused by the British Governor Mark Young, and the Japanese began heavy shelling and bombing of the Island’s coastal defences. There were power failures and communications disruptions all over the island, and hundreds of Japanese infiltrators slipped onto the island, creating a pipeline of information to the Japanese commanders about British and Canadian troop movements, ammo dumps, supply depots, pillbox positions, and gun placements.
Sergeant Gander and “C” Company were deployed at Lye Mun. Located a mere 412 metres from the mainland, Lye Mun was an obvious potential crossing point for the Japanese. From December 10–17, the Japanese bombardment of this area was extremely heavy and “C” Company sustained some casualties. The shelling repeatedly knocked out water, electric power, and telephone lines. Organized feeding of the soldiers became almost impossible, since any concentration of men around the kitchen facilities resulted in “heavy and accurate enemy shelling.”5 The men of “C” Company were also “becoming more reluctant to use the telephone system to announce any proposed movement of men as it inevitably resulted in accurate shelling of the route. The lines were obviously tapped by enemy agents.”6
Gander couldn’t stand the noise and frequently took refuge in the pillboxes, although he did accompany the men on their patrols for snipers. The incessant shelling and lack of hot meals took its toll on “C” Company. “They had been unable to rest either by day or by night” and Major Bishop, commander of the Company, requested that they be taken out of the area, for a period of rest.7 The request for relief was granted, but unfortunately for “C” Company the Japanese invaded before replacements arrived.
A second Japanese request for surrender was submitted on December 17, and it too was refused in a message that stated: “The Governor and Commander-in-Chief of Hong Kong, declines most absolutely to enter into negotiation for the surrender of Hong Kong, and takes this opportunity of notifying Lieut.-Colonel General Sakai and Vice-Admiral Niimi that he is not prepared to receive any further communications from them on the subject.”8
In response, General Sakai issued the following order to his staff, “On Thursday night, December 18, Japanese Imperial Forces will land upon the Island of Hong Kong at suitable situations between North Point and Lyemun.”9 Late that evening, the Japanese launched their invasion of Hong Kong, sending assault boats, landing craft, and steamers across the Lye Mun Passage, the narrow channel of water that separated Hong Kong from the mainland. All three regiments of the Japanese 38th Division were committed to the attack.
At Lye Mun, the Rajputs were the first line of defence, with “C” Company of the Royal Rifles situated just behind the eastern shoulder of the beachhead.10 However, “C” Company recorded that “between 2100 and 2200 hours there was
Lye Mun Bat–tery, showing the Lye Mun Passage where the Japanese crossed. The high point in the centre of the photograph is Devil’s Peak.
a continual road race of Indian troops running past without arms in the direction of Tai Tam. No information could be obtained from them, they would only say, ‘Japs, thousands of Japs.’”11 As the Japanese began landing on the Canadian-held section of beach, the Royal Rifles laid down heavy gunfire in an effort to slow the approach of the invading forces.
“Now we got our first clear look at the enemy,” Rifleman Sydney Skelton remembers:
Swarms of small, shrieking men in khaki jackets, breaches and
puttees, helmets bearing the single star, long bayonets, automatic
Lye Mun Bar–racks, the most northern point held by “C”Company.
weapons. They poured out of the landing barges. Some of them
threw themselves on the barbed wire while the others streamed
over the human bridges. We were on the high ground and
we
really peppered them. My Bren was hot. But they kept coming.
I thought, ‘… there’s no end to them.’ Then the planes came in,
strafing and bombing, and we fell back.12
Gander joined his comrades in the fight, relying on his own best weapons: his size and a strong set of teeth. Despite the ferocity of the fire fight surrounding him, Gander charged at the invaders, running this way and that, snarling and rearing up on his hind legs. Rifleman Reginald Law recalls, “Gander appeared to hate the Japanese on sight. He growled and ran at the enemy soldiers, biting at their heels. And what amazed us all was that they did not shoot him then and there.”13
By 0100 hours on December 19, it was clear that “C” Company was in danger of being encircled by the Japanese, and the order was given for them to retire southwards. Casualties were high and the evacuation of the wounded slowed the retreat. An excerpt from the “C” Company War Diary describes the condition of the retreating men:
None … had had a hot meal for five days owing to the destruction
of the cooking arrangements. They had been doing continuous
manning for over a week with no chance to sleep but in weapon
pits. Some would fall down in the roadway and go to sleep … it
took several shakings to get them going again.14
“C” Company found themselves being pushed back, down Lye Mun Road into the Tai Tam Gap, and later that day into the Stanley area. Gander had continued to challenge the Japanese invaders, who were relentless in their pursuit of the Canadians. When some Japanese soldiers advanced towards a small group of wounded Canadians, Gander charged at them, barking and growling. The Japanese soldiers changed direction and the wounded Canadians avoided being captured or killed. No one is sure why Gander was able to successfully deter the Japanese, but it is unlikely that any Japanese soldier had ever seen a Newfoundland dog before. Gander was truly an incredible sight, standing over six feet tall on his hind legs. An encounter with Gander was probably quite terrifying for the invading troops. Fred Kelly remembers the Chinese civilians’ timid reaction to Gander, stating plainly, “I don’t think they [had] ever seen a dog that big.”15
The battle continued to rage through the early hours of December 19, as the Canadians struggled to cover their withdrawal south through the hills of Hong Kong Island. Bullets and explosions screamed through the air. The men of “C” Company fought hard, inflicting (according to a Japanese officer who was interviewed after the war) “sixty-five percent losses on them.”16 The Japanese would lob hand grenades up the hills towards the Canadians, who would try to take cover, or if they were quick, would grab the grenades and lob them back down the hill at the Japanese. As the Canadians struggled to hold their positions, a group of seven wounded Canadians lay along the roadside, pinned down by enemy fire. Suddenly, a Japanese grenade appeared, lofting through the air and coming to rest near the Canadian men.
Hissing and smoking, this grenade spelled death for these Royal Rifles. Staring in horror at the deadly object, the Canadians were distracted when a sudden flash of black streaked past them. Their mascot Gander shot forward, grabbed the grenade in his mouth, and took off running. As Lieutenant Bill Bradley recalls:
I saw a small group of Japanese soldiers running from something
on the road where Captain Gavey and his men were lying badly
wounded. One of the men told me later that the soldiers were
running from a big dog. They told how Gander had charged
out and gathered the grenade in his mouth before it reached the
Captain’s group.17
The grenade exploded in Gander’s mouth. Rifleman Reginald Law remembers:
The last time I saw Gander alive he was running down the road
towards the Japanese soldiers. Then there was an overly heavy
amount of fire and I heard several grenades exploding close to our
group. When the firing eased up I saw Gander lying dead on the
road. He was in the open ground, between us and the Japanese,
so no one could get close. With the enemy still advancing we had
no choice but to leave him.18
Gander had given his life to save seven wounded Canadian soldiers. Fred Kelly was devastated to learn of Gander’s death. Although the dog was adored by all of the men of the Royal Rifles, Kelly was the one with the closest bond to Gander.
The positions of the Royal Rifles of Canada and the Japanese lines of attack, December 19, 1941.
Kelly remembers, “I seen him the next morning … he was dead the next morning … but I didn’t go near. I was so distraught … I didn’t go look at him, I just seen him in the distance.”19
Sergeant Gander’s death is recorded in the list of “C” Force Soldiers Killed or Missing in Action or Died of Wounds as occurring December 19, 1941. To be more accurate, his heroic act most likely took place sometime during the night of December 18/19. The confusion of battle makes it difficult to pinpoint events exactly, but it is possible to gauge with some accuracy when his fateful charge took place. It is documented that Lieutenant Bradley, who witnessed the Japanese running down the road away from the injured Captain Gavey (and his men), was ordered, along with Captain Gavey, to attack Sai Wan Fort at 2235 hours on the 18th. Obviously Gavey was not injured at this point, but did sustain his injuries while the Canadians were attempting to disengage after the abortive attack on the Fort, a walled fortification located on Sai Wan Hill. Tony Banham’s book, Not the Slightest Chance, records the death of Rifleman Gordon Irvine, on December 18, and indicates that Irvine was “killed by the same shell that injured Captain Gavey.”20 This is most likely the injury that left Gavey and his men lying wounded by the side of the road, sometime after 2235 hours on the 18th.
Fred Kelly, who was busy fighting off the Japanese invaders, has indicated that, “The night they landed I took it for granted that Gander was in the pillbox … when they started mortaring and shelling I think what actually happened was he got scared and run out of the pillbox … probably that’s when he met the Japanese.”21 Kelly confirms that Gander was killed the first night the Japanese landed on Hong Kong and that he didn’t actually see what happened to Gander because “it was pitch dark.”22 Kelly also indicates that he saw Gander’s body the next morning. Clearly, sometime during the late hours of December 18 or the early hours of December 19, Gander’s war came to an end.
Despite the loss of their mascot the Royal Rifles had to continue the fight. It was a lost cause, however. The Japanese continued to press their advance, and although several brave counter attacks were made by the British and Canadians across the Island, they were outnumbered and outgunned. A soldier from the Royal Rifles recalls:
Christmas night, we were up on a ridge in front of Fort Stanley
waiting for an attack. There was no attack because there was a
truce at the time, pending negotiations between the governor of
the Island and the invading forces. The most frightening thing
POW information
There are countless eyewitness reports of the brutality towards civilians and captured soldiers that was demonstrated by the Japanese. Many of these atrocities were addressed at the Hong Kong War Crimes court in 1946. The Japanese’s brutal treatment of their prisoners stemmed largely from the fact that they never ratified the 1929 Geneva Convention,27which outlined what was deemed as acceptable conduct regarding the treatment of prisoners of war. Moreover, Japanese soldiers were encouraged to perceive being taken prisoner as shameful, and their soldiers’ handbook stated, “Do not fall captive, even if the alternative is death … Bear in mind the fact that to be captured not only means disgracing the army, but your parents and family will never be able to hold up their heads again. Always save the last round for yourself.”28
With this type of mindset it’s hardly surprising that the Canadian prisoners of war were treated so badly. After their surrender the Royal Rifles were transporte
d across Hong Kong Island to the North Point Camp. The Winnipeg Grenadiers were taken back to the mainland and housed at Sham Shui Po until January 23, 1942, when they and the Royal Navy prisoners were taken back to the Island to join the Royal Rifles at the North Point Camp. Three months later the Royal Navy prisoners were moved again and North Point became an all-Canadian camp.29In September of 1942, the Canadians were moved back to Sham Shui Po on the mainland, which had been largely vacated due to the transfer of the British prisoners housed there to work camps in Japan.Throughout 1943 and 1944 the Canadians were also transferred to work camps in Japan, where they were forced to work in coal and iron mines, and in the dockyards.
No matter where the prisoners were located, their living conditions and treatment by the Japanese were brutal. Living quarters were always crowded and poor sanitary conditions prevailed. Food was inadequate at best, and there was an acute lack of medical supplies. Diseases such as beri beri, pellagra, dysentery, and diphtheria were prevalent in the camps. The Japanese guards were often ruthless in their treatment of the prisoners and “slaps, blows from fists and rifle butts, or prods from bayonets for the slightest transgression” were not uncommon.30
was looking out and seeing the glow of thousands of cigarettes.
The Japanese down below had been told we’d surrendered, so
they all sat down and started smoking cigarettes. Then we realized
how close they were, and how many they were, and how impotent
we were.23
On Christmas Day the Allied forces on Hong Kong surrendered to the Japanese. At the time of surrender the East Brigade had been pushed down into the tip of the Stanley peninsula, and the West Brigade held a line that ran roughly from Bowrington in the north to Aberdeen in the south — less than a quarter of the Island’s territory was held between them.24
The Hong Kong garrison reported over 2,000 men killed or missing, with twice that number being wounded. The Canadians incurred 290 fatalities, with nearly 500 wounded.25 Those who had not been killed in the battle were
