APPENDIX V
the study of the education and discipline of the child in the home. The two tables present in summary form the major statistical facts which were gathered about the children specially studied, order of birth, number of brothers and sisters, death or remarriage or divorce of parents, residence of the child, type of household in which the child lived and whether the girl was the daughter of the head of the household or not. The second table relates only to the twenty-five girls past puberty and gives length of time since first menstruation, frequency of menstruation, amount and location of menstrual pain, the presence or absence of masturbation, homosexual and heterosexual experience, and the very pertinent fact of residence or non-residence in the pastor's household. A survey of the summary analyses joined to these tables will show that these fifty girls present a fairly wide range in family organisation, order of birth, and relation to parents. The group may be fairly considered as representative of the various types of environment, personal and social, which are found in Samoan civilisation as it is to-day.
DISTRIBUTION OF GROUP OF ADOLESCENTS IN RELATION TO FIRST MENSTRUATION
Within last six months 6
Within last year 3
Within last two years 5
Within last three years 7
Within last four years 3
Within last five years I
Total 25
COMING OF AGE IN SAMOA
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COMING OF AGE IN SAMOA
KEY TO TABLE ON FAMILY STRUCTURE
Column Subject
1 Number of older brothers
2 Number of older sisters
3 Number of younger brothers
4 Number of younger sisters
5 Half brother, fluSy number older, minus, number
younger
6 Half sister, fluSy number older, m-inuSj number
younger
7 Mother dead
8 Father dead
9 Child of mother's second marriage
10 Child of father's second marriage
11 Mother remarried .12 Father remarried
13 Residence with both parents and patrilocal
14 Residence with both parents and matrilocal
15 Residence with mother only
16 Residence with father only
17 Parents divorced
18 Residence with paternal relatives
19 Residence with maternal relatives
20 Father is m-atai of household
21 Residence in a biological family, i.e., household of
parents, children, and no more than two additional relatives.
X in the table means the presence of trait. For example, x in column 7 means that the mother is dead.
[288]
I I
APPENDIX V
ANALYSIS OF TABLE ON FAMILY STRUCTURE
There were among the sixty-eight girls:
7 only children
15 youngest children
5 oldest children
5 with half brother or sister in the same household
5 whose mother was dead
14 whose father was dead
3 who were children of mother's second marriage 2 children of father's second marriage
7 whose mother had remarried
5 whose father had remarried
4 residence with both parents patrilocal
8 residence with both parents matrilocal
9 residence with mother only I residence with father only 7 parents divorced
12 residence with paternal relatives (without either parent)
6 residence with maternal relatives (without either
parent) 15, or 30%, whose fathers were heads of households 12 who belonged to a qualified biological family (i.e., a family which during my stay on the island comprised only two relatives beside the parents and children).
INTELLIGENCE TESTS USED
It was impossible to standardise any intelligence tests and consequently my results are quantitatively valueless. But as I had had some experience in the diagnostic use of tests, I found them useful in forming a preliminary estimate of the
COMING OF AGE IN SAMOA
girls' intelligence. Also, the natives have long been accustomed to examinations which the missionary authorities conduct each year, and the knowledge that an exam
ination is in progress makes them respect the privacy of investigator and subject. In this way it was possible for me to get the children alone, without antagonising their parents. Furthermore, the novelty of the tests, especially the colour-naming and picture interpretation tests, served to divert their attention from other questions which I wished to ask them. The results of the tests showed a much narrower range than would be expected in a group varying in age from ten to twenty. Without any standardisation it is impossible to draw any more detailed conclusions. I shall, however, include a few comments about the peculiar responses which the girls made to particular tests, as I believe such comment is useful in evaluating intelligence testing among primitive peoples and also in estimating the possibilities of such testing.
Tests Used
Colour Naming. lOO half-inch squares, red, yellow, black and blue.
Rote Memory for Digits. Customary Stanford Binet directions were used.
Digit Symbol Substitution. 72 one-inch figures, square, circle, cross, triangle and diamond.
Opposites. 23 words. Stimulus words: fat, white, long, old, tall, wise, beautiful, late, night, near, hot, win, thick, sweet, tired, slow, rich, happy, darkness, up, inland, inside, sick.
Picture Interpretation. Three reproductions from the moving picture Moana, showing, (a) Two children who had caught a cocoanut crab by smoking it out of the rocks above them, (b) A canoe putting out to sea after bonito as evidenced by the shape of the canoe
[290]
I
APPENDIX V
and the position of the crew, (^r) A Samoan girl sitting on a log eating a small live fish which a boy, garlanded and stretched on the ground at her feet, had given her. Ball and Field. Standard-sized circle. Standard directions were given throughout in all cases entirely in Samoan. Many children, unused to such definitely set tasks, although all are accustomed to the use of slate and of pencil and paper, had to be encouraged to start. The ball and field test was the least satisfactory as in over fifty per cent of the cases the children followed an accidental first line and simply completed an elaborate pattern within the circle. When this pattern happened by accident to be either the Inferior or Superior solution, the child's comment usually betrayed the guiding idea as aesthetic rather than as an attempt to solve the problem. The children whom I was led to believe to be most intelligent, subordinated the zesthetic consideration to the solution of the problem, but the less intelligent children were sidetracked by their interest in the design they could make much more easily than are children in our civilisation. In only two cases did I find a rote memory for digits which exceeded six digits; two girls completing seven successfully. The Samoan civilisation puts the slightest of premiums upon rote memory of any sort. On the digit-symbol test they were slow to understand the point of the test and very few learned the combinations before the last line of the test sheet. The picture interpretation test was the most subject to vitiation through a cultural factor; almost all of the children adopted some highly stylized form of comment and then pursued it through one balanced sentence after another: "Beautiful is the boy and beautiful is the girl. Beautiful is the garland of the boy and beautiful is the wreath of the girl," etc. In the two pictures which emphasised human beings no discussion could be commenced until the question of
COMING OF AGE IN SAMOA ?
the relationship of the characters had been ascertained. The opposites test was the one which they did most easily, a natural consequence of a vivid interest in words, an interest which leads them to spend most of their mythological speculation upon punning explanations of names.
CHECK LIST USED IN INVESTIGATION OF EACH girl's EXPERIENCE
In order to standardise this investigation I made out a questionnaire which I filled out for each girl. The questions were'' not asked consecutively but from time to time I added one item of information after another to the record sheets. The various items fell into the loose groupings indicated below.
Agricultural froficiency. Weeding, selecting leaves for use in cooking, gathering bananas, taro, breadfruit, cutting cocoanuts for copra.
Cooking. Skinning bananas, grating cocoanut, preparing breadfruit, mixing falusamiy^ wrapping falusamiy making tafoloy making banana foiy making arrow-root pudding.
Fishing. Daylight reef fishing, torchlight reef fishing, gathering lolcy catching small fish on reef, using the "come hither" octopus stick, gathering large crabs.
Weaving. Balls, pin-wheels, baskets to hold food gifts, carrying baskets, woven blinds, floor mats, fishing baskets, food trays, thatching mats, roof bonetting mats, plain fans, pandanus floor mats, bed mats (number of designs known
* Palusami —a pudding prepared from grated cocoanut, flavoured with red hot stone, mixed with sea water, and wrapped in taro leaves, from which the acrid stem has been scorched, then in a banana leaf, finally in a. breadfruit leaf.
t Tafolo —a pudding made of breadfruit with a sauce of grated cocoanut.
APPENDIX V
and number of mats completed), fine mats, dancing skirts, sugar-cane thatch.
Bark cloth making. Gathering paper mulberry wands, scraping the bark, pounding the bark, using a pattern board, tracing patterns free hand.
Care of clothing. Washing, ironing, ironing starched clothes, sewing, sewing on a machine, embroidering.
Athletics. Climbing palm trees, swimming, swimming in the swimming hole within the reef,* playing cricket.
Kava making. Pounding the kava root, distributing the kava, making the kava, shaking out the hibiscus bark strainer.
Proficiency in foreign things. Writing a letter, telling time, reading a calendar, filling a fountain pen.
Dancing.
Reciting the family genealogy.
Index of knowledge of the courtesy language. Giving the chiefs' words for: arm, leg, food, house, dance, wife, sickness, talk, sit. Giving courtesy phrases of welcome, when passing in front of some one.
Experience of life and death. Witnessing of birth, miscarriage, intercourse, death, Cresarian post-mortem operation.
Marital preferences^ rank, residence, age of marriage, number of children.
Index of knowledge of the social organisation. Reason for Cssarian post-mortem, proper treatment of a chief's bed, exactions of the brother and sister taboo, penalties attached to cocoanut tafuiy proper treatment of a kava
* Swimming- in the hole within the reef required more skill than swimming in still water; it involved diving and also battling with a water level which changed several feet with each great wave.
t Tapui. The hieroglj'phic signs used by the Samoans to protect their property from thieves. The tapui calls down an automatic magical penalty upon the transgressor. The penalty for stealing from property protected by the cocoanut tapui is boih.
COMING OF AGE IN SAMOA
bowl, the titles and present incumbents of the titles of the Manaia of Luma, Siufaga and Faleasao, the Taupo of Fitiuta, the meaning of the Fale Ula * the Umu Sa, f the Mua o le taule'ale'a, J the proper kinds of property for a marriage exchange, who was the high chief of Luma, Siufaga, Faleasao and Fitiuta, and what constituted the Lafo § of the talking chief.
* The ceremonial name of the council house of the Tui Manu'a.
■f* The sacred oven of food and the ceremony accompanying its presentation and the presentation of fine mats to the carpenters who have completed a new house.
$ The ceremonial call of the young men of the village upon a visiting maiden.
§ The ceremonial perquisite of the talking chief, usually a piece of tapa, occasionally a fine mat.
GLOSSARY OF NATIVE TERMS USED IN THE TEXT
Aumaga ('aumaga)—the organisation of untitled men in each
Samoan village. Aualuma—the organisation of unmarried girls past puberty,
wives of untitled men and u^idows. Afafine—daughter (man speaking). Aiga—relative. Atali'i—son (man speaking). Avaga—elopement.
Fa'alupega—the courtesy phrases, recited in formal speeches, which embody t
he social pattern of each village.
Fale—house.
Faletua—"she who sits in the back of the house." The courtesy term for a chief's wife.
Fono—a meeting. Specifically the organisation of titled men of a village, district or island.
Fitafita—a member of the native marine corps.
Ifo—to lower oneself to some one whom one has offended or
injured. Ifoga—the act of doing so.
Lavalava—a loin cloth, fastened by a twist in the material
at the waist. Lole—a sort of jelly fish; applied by the natives to candy.
COMING OF AGE IN SAMOA
Malaga—a travelling party; a journey.
Manaia—the heir-apparent of the principal chief; the 1" >•.> of the Aumaga; the heir of any important citief v title carries the privilege of giving a manaia titl ' 1.-heir.
Matai—the holder of a title; the head of a househo''^
Moetotolo—surreptitious rape.
Moni—true, real.
Musu—unwillingness, obstinacy tov^^ards any course of action.
Olomatua—old woman.
Papalagi—white men; literally, "sky bursters." Foreig . Pua—the frangipani tree.
Soa—a companion in circumcision- an ambassador in ve
affairs. Soafafine—a woman ambassador in love affairs. Siva—to dance; a dance.
Tama—a child, a son (woman speaking).
Tama—father.
Tamafafine—a child of the distaff side of the house.
Tamatane—a child of the male line.
Tapa—bark cloth.
Taule'ale'a—a member of the Aumaga; an untitled mui
Taupo—the village ceremonial hostess; the girl whom a high
chief has honoured with a title and a distribution of
property. Tausi—the courtesy term for the wife of a talking chiel,
literally, "to care for." Tei—a younger sibling. Teine—a girl. Teinetiti—a little girl.
Coming of age in Samoa; a psychological study of primitive youth for western civilisation Page 24
