The Americans now had the only sailing vessels on Lake Huron, but their superior position did not last long. Worsley and his men paddled canoes all the way from the Nottawasaga to Michilimackinac. On September 3, Worsley set out at night with ninety-two men in rowboats to attack the Tigress. The Americans spotted them and began shooting, but the Indians and British managed to clamber aboard the schooner and capture it.
Two days later, Worsley sailed the Tigress towards the Scorpion, craftily keeping the American flag flying and his soldiers hidden. When he was close enough, he fired the Tigress’s cannons. The Americans were taken completely by surprise and the British had little trouble seizing the Scorpion.
The two captured ships restored British naval dominance on Lake Huron. They retained it, the fort at Michilimackinac, and Indian support for the rest of the war. But they could not drive the Americans out of the western part of Upper Canada or recapture Detroit.
CHECK ON THE LAKES
On Lake Ontario, after Chauncey came out in August, Yeo remained in port until his new ship was ready. He hoped that the St. Lawrence, launched on September 10, would give him naval preponderance. It was a huge three-decker, designed to carry 102 guns and at least seven hundred crewmen. The vessel was finally ready to sail on October 16 and when Yeo brought out his stronger squadron, Chauncey withdrew to Sackets Harbor. For the remainder of the shipping season, Yeo’s ships ferried troops and supplies to Drummond’s army and took away exhausted soldiers.
The shipbuilding race continued. The Americans and the British started three new ships each. The only one to be launched before the end of the war was the British frigate Psyche. The frames for this vessel had been built in Britain and transported to Canada where it was assembled. American shipbuilders would now have to compete not only with Kingston but also with British shipyards. This change, which threatened to give Canada’s defence a significant advantage, did not last long, for the shipbuilding contest was coming to an end.
To create his fleet on Lake Ontario, Yeo made sure that most naval supplies and seamen arriving in Canada were sent to Kingston. As a result, little help could be sent to Ile aux Noix, the British naval base on Lake Champlain. Superiority on this lake had swung to the Americans, and, in response, the British were building a frigate to strengthen their fleet.
The frigate was launched late in August and a new British commander, Captain George Downie, was sent to Lake Champlain. When he arrived there on September 2, he faced the difficult task of getting the new ship ready for service in a few days.
An attack on Plattsburgh had been planned earlier in the year as part of the British aim to be in a strong position for the peace negotiations. The government provided over thirteen thousand troops from Europe, most of whom had served under Wellington. On September 1, Prevost led an army 10,351 strong across the border, the most powerful British army seen along the frontier during the entire war.
On the 6th, Prevost halted on the north side of the Saranac River across from Plattsburgh. On the other side, about three thousand troops worked hard to strengthen the fortifications while militiamen of New York and Vermont flocked in and skirmished with the British along the river. Nearby, in Plattsburgh Bay, Captain Thomas Macdonough’s squadron of four ships and ten gunboats lay at anchor. Prevost decided to wait for Captain Downie to arrive with his fleet so that the army and navy could attack at the same time. Every day he wrote Downie urging him to hurry his ships down to Plattsburgh. The captain did not dare attack without his new frigate. He was still making up crews for his vessels as late as September 9, and the frigate was not completely finished when it sailed with the squadron before dawn on the eleventh.
The British and American fleets began battling between 8 and 9 a.m. Only minutes later, Downie was killed but the fierce fight continued for two hours. Then the British, who had suffered great losses, gave up.
Prevost did not launch his assault on the American land defences when the naval battle began. He ordered Major-General Frederick P. Robinson to start the attack at 10 a.m. An hour or so later, most of the troops had crossed the Saranac and were forming up to charge the American positions. Robinson and his troops, veterans of battles against tough French soldiers, regarded the American positions as an easy target Their self-confidence was never put to the test, however, because Prevost halted the land attack as soon as Downie’s fleet surrendered. He ordered the troops to destroy their extra supplies and retreat. The army arrived back in Canada virtually unharmed.
The entire Plattsburgh campaign had failed to achieve British aims. Macdonough’s victory gained more than the destruction of the British naval squadron on Lake Champlain, for it ended “one of the most formidable British threats of the war.”5 From the military point of view the situation was a stalemate. Prevost’s strong forces blocked the Americans from invading Lower Canada while American control of Lake Champlain prevented any further British invasion. Yet this meant security for that section of the United States, and American negotiators at Ghent had another reason to resist British demands.
Many British officers felt that Prevost had brought disgrace on the army. They had complained about his leadership before the ill-fated invasion, and now their criticisms increased. They maintained that their troops could easily have captured Plattsburgh even without Downie’s fleet. The army would have had to withdraw, but it could have done so after a victory instead of appearing to flee from a defeat.
The British government recalled Prevost in March 1815 to answer this and other complaints. They accepted his explanation that he had no choice but to retreat since American control of the lake would have made it impossible for his army to maintain its communications and supply line. This explanation left some questions unanswered — why had he not tried to capture Plattsburgh before the eleventh? Why had he not acted at the same time as Downie? And the matter did not end there. A naval court seemed to criticize his conduct, and Prevost asked for an army court martial. He died, however, before it was held.
Attack on Fort Oswego, Lake Ontario, May 6, 1814.
[Courtesy of National Archives of Canada, C4120 7.]
Throughout the war Prevost followed a defensive strategy. This was necessary in 1812 and 1813 when he had few troops and Britain could not send many. As well, he was following orders from London. As governor, Prevost was responsible for the security of all British North America and could not afford to take the risks that lower-level commanders like Brock or Harvey could take. But by 1814 conditions were changing. Britain could send large numbers of troops under good commanders, all of them with combat experience. More supplies and money were available and the Royal Navy was putting severe pressure on the United States seaboard. These changed conditions justified a different strategy, but Prevost continued as before. When he invaded the United States, he had a definite superiority in troops and probably could have captured Plattsburgh using only the army. In Yeo’s opinion, if Prevost had seized the American position, their ships would have been forced to sail out of the bay and onto the lake. The British ships would then have had the advantage because of their longer-range guns.
Prevost’s retreat from Plattsburgh ended the fighting along the Lower Canadian frontier.
There was one final land battle, the Battle of New Orleans, in January 1815. By the time it was fought, the two countries were making peace in Europe, but there was no way for the British government to call it off. Thus, Major-General Edward Pakenham was killed and his army suffered heavy losses in a battle that made no difference to the outcome of the war or to the terms of the peace treaty. This American victory did, however, greatly affect the career of the American commander. Andrew Jackson gained so much fame from it that it helped him win election as president in 1828. As well, Americans regard this as the last battle of the war and a great victory for their side. It is one reason for their pride in their country’s record of the War of 1812.
ATLANTIC COAST
Throughout 1814, the American coast continued to suffer from t
he tight British naval blockade. The pressure increased in April when Vice-Admiral Alexander Cochrane, who had taken over command from Admiral Warren, extended the blockade to New England. Cochrane had many years’ experience in naval warfare and was more aggressive than Warren had been. On April 7, British sailors raided up the Connecticut River and destroyed American ships there. This was only the beginning of more serious raids, some of which led to the conquest of American territory.
In April, the British landed on Tangier Island in Chesapeake Bay and by July had created a large, well-equipped fort on it. They encouraged slaves to escape to the island and organized them into a marine unit (the Colonial Marines). Cochrane now had a base from which to raid coastal settlements and to harass shipping. The Americans had great difficulty defending their territory because seapower gave their enemy such great mobility.
Communications overland between New Brunswick and Quebec were difficult because Maine extended so far north. When troops were ordered to march to Quebec in the winter — because the St. Lawrence was frozen — they were forced to take a long, roundabout route. With the objective of establishing a straighter and shorter line of communication on British territory, Sherbrooke was directed to occupy as much of Maine as necessary. His first move, in July, was to send an expedition to capture Moose Island in Passamaquoddy Bay, just across the boundary from New Brunswick. This was accomplished easily and the British troops went on to take the towns of Castine, Bangor, and Machias, all without any resistance from the Americans.
By September 15, the eastern corner of Maine was in British control with a British military governor and a garrison at Castine. The people willingly took an oath not to resist. They preferred a quiet life and profitable trade with New Brunswick and Nova Scotia.
Battle of New Orleans. Centre in the foreground is Major-General
Andrew Jackson, hero of this battle.
[Courtesy of the Buffalo and Erie County Historical Society.]
Seapower transporting regulars from Europe made possible the British success in Maine. It also enabled the British to carry out major raids that were not intended to conquer territory, but rather to threaten American cities in order to draw American attention away from the war against Canada. Prevost also wanted them to inflict destruction in retaliation for American raids against settlements in Upper Canada. Of course, these raids would also have the effect of increasing pressure on the United States to end the war.
British reinforcements began arriving in the Chesapeake in July and by the end of the month amounted to four thousand soldiers under the command of Major-General Robert Ross. In spite of British raids and the build-up of forces, Madison and Armstrong took little action and seemed to think there was no danger to Washington, D.C. As the British threat increased, Madison finally created a new military district primarily to improve the defences of the capital and put Brigadier-General William Winder in command. A year earlier, in the Niagara Peninsula, Winder had shown himself to be a leader with little military capability, but he was a political ally of James Monroe and was also a relative of the governor of Maryland. This appointment so annoyed Armstrong, who had proposed a different general for the command, that he took no active role in developing defences; indeed, he even opposed mustering or training local militiamen. In the face of the Secretary of War’s opposition and with only weak support from President Madison, Winder proved unable to prepare strong defences for the city. Once again, the incompetence of American leaders made things easy for British commanders.
On August 19, General Ross landed his force of infantry, marines and sailors at Benedict on the Patuxtent River and headed north. As they marched along good roads under shady trees, the greatest hazard they encountered was high heat and humidity. They were astonished at the lack of opposition. Still not certain of the invader’s objective, Winder sent out cavalry patrols to gather information. One of these was led by the Secretary of State, James Monroe, who concluded that the British were aiming at Washington. The Americans blew up their own gunboats in the river and the sailors headed for the city to help defend it. A few regulars were collected, as were thousands of militiamen. These units were ordered about by different officers, including Monroe, which provoked the exasperated Winder to exclaim to an aide, “I am but a nominal commander. The President and the Secretary have interfered with my intended operations, and I fear for the success of the day.”6 His fears were well-grounded, for many of the troops, lacking clear directions, simply stood about on a ridge overlooking a small river. On the other side was the village of Bladensburg on the road the British would have to take to Washington. When they were ready, the British fired rockets and attacked boldly across the bridge, whereupon the defenders almost immediately bolted. This battle has been called the “Bladensburg Races” because the defending army and the American government ran away so quickly. Only the seamen from the gunboats stood and fought hard until the larger British force overwhelmed them.
The British burned several public buildings in Washington, including the President’s home. Only the exterior walls survived, and when the home was later rebuilt, they were whitewashed to cover the marks of the fire. This is why it is called the White House. Americans and some people in Britain criticized this destruction in Washington while others, such as Reverend John Strachan, argued that it was justified because of what the Americans had done to York.
After Ross’s army returned to Cochrane’s ships, the fleet began to withdraw from Chesapeake Bay. The major British objectives seemed to have been met and troops were needed for a planned campaign in the Gulf of Mexico. Cockburn and Ross persuaded Cochrane to change his mind and to make an attempt against Baltimore. There, however, under the leadership of General Samuel Smith and Mayor Edward Johnson, strong defences had been prepared. Troops and militia had been mustered and were well drilled, earthworks and gun positions were prepared, and ships were sunk to block the channel into the harbour. British troops landed on September 12 and met tough, well-organized resistance in contrast to what they had encountered at Washington. To aid the ground forces, Admiral Cochrane ordered his ships to bombard with guns and rockets the city’s major defensive work, Fort McHenry, beginning early on September 13 and continuing all day until early morning on September 14. (During this bombardment, Francis Scott Key, a Baltimore lawyer, wrote the words of what is now the American national anthem.) The British commanders then decided that they had accomplished what they wanted and that it was not worth heavy losses to try to capture the city. This was the sentiment also of a British midshipman who recalled, “We soon found out we were in retreat, at which (to tell my good friends the truth) I was not sorry. These Americans are not to be trifled with.”7 By the 15th, the army was back on its ships and in a few days these left Chesapeake Bay. The British abandoned Tangier Island, but retained control of another small island in the bay until January 1815.
These British attacks did not affect the United States’ war effort, for the army along the Niagara River was reinforced, Fort Erie remained in American hands, and national pride was stimulated by Macdonough’s victory on Lake Champlain. But the government’s failure to protect its own capital seemed proof of weak and incompetent leadership at the top. One consequence was the removal of Armstrong as Secretary of War. The President sent him on leave and, shortly afterwards, he resigned. This vital post was left unfilled for almost a month until the President appointed James Monroe, who was also Secretary of State. It was several weeks before the government began to function again in Washington. By then, the war was as good as ended.
The raids on Washington and Baltimore, August–September 1814.
[Adapted from The War of 1812: Land Operations, by G.F.G.
Stanley (Toronto, Macmillan of Canada, 1983), p. 339.]
THE CANADIAN PEOPLE
The problems and strains of the war continued during 1814. The people of western Upper Canada and the Niagara Peninsula suffered raids and invasion that other areas did not experience. Yet nowhere in the provi
nce could people live normal lives.
Drummond repealed martial law in January but soon found that farmers around Kingston would not sell supplies to the government. In April he imposed it again to force them to do so. He also requested more money to retire government debts, pay wages, and purchase supplies. As these measures did not overcome the problem of insufficient food, Drummond forbade the use of grain to make whiskey and the export of most farm produce.
The shortage of food was greatest in the Niagara Peninsula and western Upper Canada because of the destruction caused by the fighting there and the large number of troops, Indians, and militia who had to be fed. Moreover, American raids west of the Grand River destroyed virtually all of that area’s resources. The American commanders at Detroit employed local residents of Upper Canada to assist their foraging parties and even created a company of Canadian scouts that became notorious for looting and burning homes and mills. A man who was living near Port Talbot during the American raid in August gave his account of it many years later. The raiders, he said, took everything they were able to remove. “What they could not take with them . . . they committed to the flames or otherwise destroyed. The grist mill which Colonel Talbot had erected, and which had proved very serviceable to the infant settlement, was totally destroyed.”8
The American forces at Detroit were frequently short of rations, money, and accommodation. They occupied private homes and in September, the local commander, Colonel John Miller, proclaimed martial law in the occupied district. He ordered all its citizens to deliver the “Flour, Wheat, & Oats” not needed for their own use and threatened punishment for failure to comply.9 Although payment for the seizures was promised, residents received no compensation. The situation would have been worse if some of the American commanders had had their way, for they proposed a scorched earth policy and one even intended to try “to depopulate the territory.”10
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