CHAPTER 8 SIMLA INDIA
The Commander-In-Chief Indian Army, General Harris; Colonel Routledge, Indian Army Intelligence; Edward Clarke, from the Government of India's Political Office sat in the general's office to discuss the document the general held his hand and which all three had read.
‘Does London know what they are talking about? Is this possible German invasion of India from Russian Turkestan a mountain, a molehill or a wild goose chase - what do you think Routledge?’ asked General Harries.
'Actually, sir, I think it could be all three and it’s not just the Germans we should be thinking about but the Turks as well.’
Harris pulled a face, ‘why include the Turks?’
‘Because of what is happening in Russia is to the benefit of both countries.’
‘Which invasion threat do you think the more likely?’ asked Clarke.
‘Can I answer that later?’ Routledge replied and when he saw Clarke nod he glanced at the general.
The general thought for the moment, ‘I can wait till the end.’
‘There are various points I will cover. First, we need to evaluate London’s views on the impact of Russia signing a separate peace treaty with the Central Powers. This includes the acquisition of Russian natural resources by the Central Powers. Second, we need to identify from where an invasion of India could be launched – Turkestan or Persia. The information from London’s might give us the clue as to their thinking which one of those two are likely. Third, the logistical support required from those launch pads - in particular the transport and the equipment the invasion force will need. Fourth, the impact the invasion force might have on areas and their population through or over which they must travel to India. This includes the strategic reaction of the Russians, Persians and other nations to the invasion forces being on their territory. Fifth and last, what the state of the world war, specifically on the Western Front, is at the time of an invasion launch. Because many of these points overlap there might be some repetition.’
‘I don’t like repetition so keep it to a minimum if you please colonel.’
'Yes, sir. First, Russia’s withdrawal from the war seems to have allowed the Germans and Turks carte blanche to acquire new territory or regain lost lands. London is worried about what the cessation of hostilities has on the Turks and Germans strategic aims which has always included both countries threatening India. The end of the Central Powers- Russia War forces the latter to release all Prisoners of War (POWs). London’s says there are 300,000 Central Powers POWs held in and around Tashkent but they have not told us where they got that figure; Tashkent is the closest place to India where POWs are held. It is understood few if any of those 300,000 are Turks. Turks are held separately from European POWs, well away from areas where the local population is Moslem, as it is round Tashkent. We do not know how many Turkish POWs are held in Russia but we think they are held in Siberia so they are far away from India. Now that the Central Powers and Russia have signed the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk all POWs will either be repatriated home or, they possibly could be formed into a fighting force to invade India.’
‘Second point, is that since the peace treaty both Turkey and Germany have been moving east in particular towards the Caucasus with its oil and other natural resources; both nations are short of those resources which are vital to their war effort. To get to the oilfields both countries have to reach the Caspian Sea and its oil capital and port - Baku. From Baku by boat to the Turkestan port of Krasnovodsk on the Caspian’s eastern shore is a hundred ninety miles; Turkestan is where cotton is grown - another vital war resource. Krasnovodsk is on the railway line that runs across Turkistan to Tashkent and the POWs. If Germany reaches the Caspian London thinks they will cross it. London also believes the 300,000, now ex-POWs, will be the troops used to invade India. It does not believe that Germany will send troops from elsewhere because they are needed on the Western front. If the Turks cross the Caspian we believe they will have to find troops from other fronts for an Indian invasion force. The Turkish soldiers will have to come from the Palestine and the Mesopotamia fronts and doing that will expose Turkey’s underbelly to our forces fighting there - not something we think Turkey can contemplate.’
‘If either country does cross the Caspian then the route to India is wide open despite the distance?’ Clarke asked.
‘Depends on which place will act as a base for an invasion,’ snapped the general, ‘which is?’
‘Herat or Tashkent,’ replied Routledge.
‘But Herat is in Afghanistan, colonel, is that likely?’ Harris interrupted, ‘it might help me if you used a map.’
Routledge got up from his chair and moved towards the wall where a small scale map of India hung permanently to the right of a photograph of King George V. No meeting with the general was ever a success unless he could be shown, pictures, maps and drawings. Routledge hung a large scale map of Central Asia and Northern India over the permanent wall map. Clarke moved his chair slightly to get a better view whilst the general relaxed back into his chair.
’Right sir let me deal with the possible threat from Tashkent first. I have read the cables from London and also Robbins’ latest intelligence reports from our listening post in Kashgar, China.’ Routledge stood to one side of the map so he could see and address both men. ‘It will be difficult for the Germans to supply its soldiers in Tashkent because it is about two and a half thousand miles from Germany,’ He coughed into his hand, ‘there are two possible supply routes. The first supply route from Germany is via European Russia’s port of Astrakhan on the northern Caspian Sea then by ship to Krasnovodsk.’
‘How far is that sea voyage?’ asked the general.
Routledge flushed because he didn’t know exactly, ‘I think it’s about four or five hundred miles.’
‘You ought to know, colonel, facts are important.’
‘I will find out the exact distance and the availability of ships. Once the supplies reach Krasnovodsk they can then go by the Turkistan railway to Tashkent. The Bolos would have to allow the Germans use of their railway lines in Europe to reach Astrakhan and in Turkestan to reach Tashkent. The Bolos need that railway themselves to fight their internal opponents, so I doubt that they will willingly allow any German to use of the trains on either line. The alternative supply route from Germany is through the Ukraine or the Danube to the Black Sea. The new Ukraine Government, now independent from Russia and fighting the Bolos, is supportive of the Germans promising them wheat for example. Our Allies, the French, within whose area of responsibility the Ukraine sits, are having problems in finding pro-Allied supporters which might topple the current Ukraine government. The Ukraine’s attitude allows Germany direct access to their ports on the Black Sea. That sea is not controlled by the Royal Navy so there is no impediment to the transport of German supplies from the Ukraine or Danube to Turkish ports or more likely to the ports of Georgia and Armenia. Once the Germans have crossed the Black Sea they have to traverse the Caucasus, parts of which are anti-Russian and therefore pro-German, this particularly applies to Georgia. The Georgian railway which the Germans could use does get close to the Caspian. This second supply route for the Germans is also long, tortuous and if its’ current allies lose political control of their territories, vulnerable.’
‘For the Turks it is just a question of continuing their current land advance to the north and east, from where they are now, and they have no Black Sea to cross to get to the Caspian.’ Routledge paused but when neither of the other men said anything, ‘the Caspian is the only sea or ocean upon which the Royal Navy has never sailed so we would have no way in stopping any movement by the Germans or Turks on that sea.’
‘Perhaps we need to get the Royal Navy involved,’ suggested Harris.
‘Could we do that?’ said Clarke looking at Routledge.
‘Possibly, but what could they do?’ Routledge grinned, ‘they’d have to capture some ships like pirates – shades of Drake and Hawkins.’
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sp; ‘Let us be realistic their methods died long ago. Now what happens when our enemy arrives on Turkestan’s shores?’ snapped General Harris.
‘The Bolos, because of their weak political situation, may not be able to prevent the Germans or Turks using the Turkestan rail line. Let us look at the Turkestan railway and see what opportunities it gives the Turks or Germans. The train line starts at Krasnovodsk, goes along the Persian border before it swings north, at the city of Merv, rounds Afghanistan to arrive at Tashkent with its POWs. There are towns on that route which might be useful supply staging posts. Distances from Krasnovodsk: 1100 miles to Tashkent; 900 miles to Samarkand; 360 miles to Ashkhabad; 500 miles to Dushakh; 650 miles to Merv and 760 miles to Herat in Afghanistan. At Merv a secondary line runs about 180 miles south to Kushka on the Afghan border. Kushka to Herat is 70 miles. Herat is 400 miles from the Indian border and to Quetta for example another 50 miles. We think Herat is the most likely launch pad for an invasion because it is the closest rail point to India. The Germans and Russians discussed using this route to invade India back in 1900 when Russia and we were not allies but Russia and Germany were. Then the Russians thought 200,000 troops would be used for the invasion but the Germans advised them the railway line from Krasnovodsk to Merv needed to be improved to supply that number of troops; we do not know if the line was improved. We know from the fighting in Europe in 1914 that the efficiency of the French railways played an important part in stopping the German advance on Paris and the subsequent Allied victory on the Marne.’ He looked down at his notes and continued, ‘total distance from the Caspian via Herat to the Indian border is thirteen hundred miles. For the POWs coming from Tashkent via Herat to the Indian border near Quetta the distance is about eleven hundred miles.’
‘I wonder how the Emir of Afghanistan would re-act to the Germans’ arrival in Herat,’ exclaimed the general.
‘He’s rejected their advances before,’ replied Routledge
‘They were via a few intelligence agents,’ said Clarke, ‘this is different. This would be a German army whose head, Kaiser Wilhelm, tells the Muslims he’s converted to Islam.’
Harris stroked his chin as he mused, ’just let them try and see how much fun a military involvement, even if they arrive ostensibly as friends, the Germans find in Afghanistan.’
‘If the Turks and not the Germans tried to come via Herat they might find being Sunni in a land where many are Shia, is a problem,’ volunteered Clarke.
‘True, Mr Clarke. It would be a nice change if the Afghans were actively on our side as good Moslems but I wouldn’t put a wager on it,’ the general spoke and then pointed at Routledge to continue.
Routledge stabbed the map, ‘Even if the main line from Krasnovodsk to Merv has been upgraded the spur between Merv to Kushka has not. It is 180 miles between those two towns so the Germans would be taking a major risk to assume it can handle their requirements.’ His finger traced the railway line from Europe to Turkestan. His sweaty fingers left a mark on the map that he rubbed off with the back of his hand. ‘Sorry,’ he said vaguely in the direction of the general before rummaging in his tunic for an unsharpened pencil which he extracted. He had put the pencil in his pocket earlier on in the day precisely for using as a pointing tool. As usual, he had promptly forgotten about as soon as he entered the general’s office.
Routledge straightened up and looked at the other two men and after blowing his nose he continued. ‘The Civil War which has broken out in Russia must interfere with the railway service making it erratic. Modern warfare, as the present one in Europe has shown us, demands a good rail service for supplies and other support; an unreliable rail service will lead to failure. For both Turks and Germans relying on the Turkistan railway must be a risk. One alternative from relying on the railway for food supplies is to try and live off the land in Turkestan. The land, however, can barely support the indigenous people. Since Turkistan started growing cotton as a cash crop during the last century wheat has had to been imported from the Ukraine to feed its people. The falling price of cotton, the rise of wheat prices and the instability of wheat supplies from the Ukraine have caused recent uprisings against the Russians over food by the native Moslems. Living off the land will not be possible for the Germans or the Turks. Even if it was possible we believe the Germans will be seen not as saviours but as just another set of hungry infidels by the indigenous peoples.’
The general’s eyes were glazing over indicating his mind had begun to wander, then asked abruptly, ‘the what?’
‘The various local Turkic tribes, sir.’ Routledge noted that the eyes general’s eyes that had been glazing over were coming back into focus; he waited till he thought the general was back in the land of the awake. ‘Next,’ Routledge had lost count of where he was, ‘the Germans have the alternative to launch an army from Tashkent. The army would go directly south from Tashkent through the mountains to the Indian border a distance of fifteen hundred miles.’ Routledge paused and walked back to the desk and picked some papers up and waved them in the air. ‘I have been re-reading some of the Pundit reports, from the last century, about their travels up in the Pamirs, the Hindu Kush and the Karakorams across which the German invasion force would come. The Pundits had to cross passes not one of which was less than ten thousand feet hard enough for those fit men. To cross those mountains an army needs horses, camels, mules, donkeys and yaks because motor transport needs metalled roads which don’t exist. To build those roads would take the German’s years and the war I’m sure will be over by then. How can an army of half-starved prisoners of war come over those types of places and then attack us?’ Routledge shook his head, ‘it is not possible for these men.’
‘Those distances make it sound improbable but not impossible, colonel, but what about German artillery? Heavy guns could sway the invasion,’ General Harris volunteered, ‘remember we haven’t got any big guns they’re all elsewhere.’
‘How would the Germans know that?’ Routledge replied, ‘they couldn’t take the chance that we haven’t got heavy weapons. Using trains to carry heavy weapons is fine but there is the transport they need once they have to leave the railway.’ Routledge tossed the pencil into the air and nearly dropped it. ‘The Germans then have to get the guns to whichever part of the Indian border they have chosen. Either route they choose is over rugged terrain, whether desert or mountain or both; that means using pack animals because there are no suitable roads for motor vehicles. Pack animals could probably only carry light artillery over the long distances and poor roads they would have to travel to get to India. So the invasion force is very unlikely to have the heavy weapons it needs.’ Routledge juggled the pencil in his hand which made Clarke smile but Harries looked disconcertingly at Routledge who put the pencil in his pocket.
‘How many animals does one need to carry the light artillery, ammunition, the men, food and water for both men and animals?’ asked Clarke.
‘Thirty thousand minimum, fifty thousand is the more likely figure because one can expect high animal wastage when crossing the mountains or desert. My sources say there are not that many animals available in Turkestan, or anywhere else for that matter, that the Germans or Turks can get their hands on.’
‘The tribes in Turkestan have horses and camels, don’t they, Routledge?’
‘They have, general, but I am not sure they will make them readily available to the Germans. These people, as you know, measure wealth by the numbers of animals they own rather than in gold or money in the bank; they will not want to sell them.’
‘The Germans might just take them, Colonel Routledge. That is their style after all,’ grunted Harris.
Clarke who thought he ought to say something uttered, ‘it is.’
‘If they do that they would make enemies of the locals. The German have a long supply line whichever way they come,’ Routledge removed the pencil from his pocket and hit the map with a smack. He had intended to point to Turkestan but instead it landed in the Indian Oce
an south of Karachi. Quickly Routledge moved the pencil back up to Tashkent and did a drawing motion down to India and back again next his pencil followed the railway line across to the Caspian from Tashkent. ‘Unfriendly locals are likely to attack that supply line. Once the locals start doing that then the Hun or Turk needs more troops and more animals to act as guards along that route,’ he paused for effect, ‘and the guards in turn would need more supplies.’ He paused to watch the general thinking.
‘What troop numbers do the Germans need for an invasion baring in mind we have few soldiers to oppose them,’ asked the general.
‘They would need a force of at least ten thousand first-class troops for the invasion. Those ten thousand in turn would need support soldiers, say,’ Routledge waved his hands, ‘five thousand, to man posts along the way for protection, building and repairing any roads and other duties.’
‘London says there are three hundred thousand men in Turkestan why only use ten thousand?’ The general was now listening hard.
‘Well I think ten thousand is the absolute minimum they could use and more importantly supply at the moment. All the troops they have in Tashkent,’ he tapped the map again with his pencil and added, ‘are ex-POWs and therefore they will be rusty, under trained and undernourished. Hardly can they be described as first class soldiers and you would need fit soldiers for an invasion remembering they have to come hundreds of miles to India whether they come via Tashkent or Herat.’
Harris got up and went and stared at the map. ‘I agree that they can’t be first class soldiers, Colonel Routledge, otherwise they wouldn’t have been captured would they?’
Routledge thought about this for a moment and whilst he could not agree with the general’s he replied. ‘No sir - quite right sir. We understand that apparently the prisoners are mainly Austrians rather than Huns. The Russians performed better against the Austrians than they did against the Germans so they captured more prisoners from the Empire. Also as the Russians did better early in the war many of the prisoners have been in captivity for a long time which further supports what you just said about their quality and fitness for service. October 1917 is probably when the last prisoners were captured by the Russians because since December 1917 there was an armistice between them and the Central Powers prior to the signing of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. That is a long time to be away from army discipline and all other military matters,’ he uttered staring over the general’s head.
The general thought Routledge was in better form than usual, pity his tie wasn’t quite straight.
Routledge re-focused, ‘another thing. Many of these so-called Austrians are not Austrians at all but Czechs, Hungarians, Slavs and many are anti-German or anti-Austrian. Indeed we know that Czechs POWs from the Austrian Empire who were held in European Russia have been released, changed sides and as a Czech Army they are already on their way out of Russia to fight with us against the Germans on the Western Front.’ Routledge hammered the map again with his pencil, ‘I think only German troops will be used for any invasion. I have estimated that only about twenty thousand to twenty five thousand of the prisoners in Turkestan are German.’
‘How do you come to those figures Colonel Routledge?’ Exclaimed the general.
‘Through me,’ volunteered Clarke, ‘it seems the Danes and the Swedes are managing the return of POWs to their home countries. I was talking to one of the Swedish diplomats at a function a few days ago who told me the number of POWs in Tashkent and its surrounding areas is in the low tens of thousands. When I told him I believed they were in the hundreds of thousands he replied that was a ridiculous figure and what he told me based on what the Danes and Swedes had found in Turkestan. He said all POWs were living in poor conditions. Though he couldn’t tell me the number of German POWs he said they were a very low percentage of the total number of POWs being held.’ Clarke looked across at Routledge.
Routledge began, ‘Only a small percentage of fit men would be available to the Germans immediately, the others will need time to re-cooperate and be trained. London’s figures seem wildly exaggerated and if that is correct this invasion is not going to happen for the foreseeable future and not using German POWs from Tashkent. I thought it best to be cautious and work out the minimum soldiers an invasion required and speculated that only half the German POWs would be able to fight. Still we must know the actual German POW numbers in Tashkent to prove the politicians’ figures from London wrong.’
‘The Frocks trying to frighten the army or just getting their facts wrong?’ said Harris.
Routledge felt he need not answer the general’s speculation and after a quick glance at his notes. ‘Finally, I assume the Germans need to win the war quickly because the Allies have held their recent attacks on the Western Front and by doing so caused them heavy casualties that we believe they cannot afford. That being the case perhaps the POWs will be shipped west to fight in Europe rather than be used to threaten India.’ Routledge stood straight and put his hands behind his back and waited.
‘You said the Germans would have to move quickly - why do you think that colonel?’ Harries asked chin in his hands as he stared intently at the map with its many indentations scattered from the Caspian Sea to the Gulf of Bengal.
‘America will be moving large numbers of soldiers to the Western Front this year, more next year. The sheer numbers of these Americans everyone is sure will be decisive in the Allies winning the war.’
‘Americans, eh. Don’t know much about them myself. Do you Clarke?’
‘Not much, sir. At least they speak English. Big Fellows I understand.’
‘That does not mean they can fight, or on the other hand it doesn’t mean they can’t fight.’ Harries said philosophically.
‘No, sir,’ said Clarke and Routledge together.
The general grunted at the map and sat back with his hands behind his head. He sat like that for a moment then moved his hands onto the arms of his chair and looked at Routledge. Routledge waited for comment but the general and Clarke said nothing but looked at him expectantly. Routledge jabbed his pencil at Tashkent and Herat and hoped he was going to sound forthright and confident.
‘So to sum up, sir, I don’t think either country can transport sufficient troops or supplies by train. I do not think that there are sufficient animals available to them for their other transportation requirements and if they take them there will be trouble with the locals. They haven’t got the right troops because they can only use Germans POWs as the Austrian Empire’s soldiers do not appear to be of the right quality and some Empire soldiers won’t fight again with the Germans. We don’t actually believe there are enough German POWs in Tashkent so they’d have to get soldiers from Europe – that supply is unlikely. Then the mountains are too high, the desert too dry, the distances too long for even a small force to get to India in the current environment. Something we really don’t know is - what the Russians intentions are about the Germans and whether they really want them wandering through the country. I doubt that they do and if that is correct then the Germans and the Russians might end up fighting one another. Therefore I do not believe that an invasion from Russian Turkestan by the Germans is feasible.’ He paused, ‘that is the mountain.’
Routledge walked in front of the map and pointed at Persia. ‘An invasion from Persia is an alternative,’ and jabbed his finger on Tehran.
‘You have forgotten Turkey invading from Turkistan,’ Harris said frowning.
‘I’d like to say something on that before the colonel,’ interrupted Clarke. ‘The political view is that Turkey and Germany might clash over Baku oil and trade in general. Germany is the main supplier of Turkey’s military hardware and we on the political side think they will somehow find a way not to supply them if there are problems between them over Baku. The Turks move slowly and they are not efficient in their organisation and therefore we think if they threaten India they have the same supply issues as the Germans along the Turkestan railway as wel
l as getting equipment from Germany. The Turks however do have another route available to them which might be an easier supply route than crossing the Caspian from Baku - namely through Persia.’ Clarke motioned to Routledge to continue.
‘Why would or could the Turks come through Persia to India?’ Nobody stirred so Routledge answered his own question. ‘Baku, the capital of Azerbaijan, has population of about a quarter of a million. The town’s population is 60-70% Christian that includes Armenians, Ukrainians, Georgians and Russians; Christians manage the oil industry. Moslem Azeris who make up about 20-25% of the town’s community do the manual work. However, Azeris make up about 75% of Azerbaijan’s total population which includes other Moslems: Tartars; Kurds; Talysh; Lezgins and Tats. So Baku is a Christian enclave enclosed by Moslems. Baku is politically controlled by the Bolos but we have no idea how strong their grip is on power. What nationalities make up this Baku Soviet government is important because if it contains few Moslems it may just be seen as Russian oppression using a different name. The Bolos must hang onto Baku because of its oil not just for their own requirements but to export and earn money. Turkey and the Russians have been fighting each other,’ he spread his hands, ‘what for, two, three, four hundred years? So will the Bolos want the Turks in Azerbaijan? No. But as the Bolos have not been consistent in obstructing the German and Turk armies in other areas, what will they do?’
Routledge again paused but was asked nothing so added, ‘Moslem and Christian have a history of violence against one another in the Caucuses. Earlier this year there were massacres of Baku Azeris by Armenians. The former are looking to the Turks for help in the form of arms so that they can revenge themselves on the Armenians. We think the Turks are supplying and recruiting large numbers of the Azeris for an assault on Baku. The Turks are more likely to get to Baku first because of the shortness of their supply lines compared to the Germans and the support they will get from the local Muslim population. So the likelihood of Baku falling to the Turks is high. We know from our headquarters in Baghdad that General Muncerville’s Muncerforce will be attempting to support the anti-Turkish locals in Baku against the advancing Turks but Muncerforce has only a few hundred men against the several divisions the Turks have in the area. There is the possibility that the Bolos will send soldiers to Baku from Astrakhan to oppose the Turks but we must know more about Bolo intentions - then I would be happier. We need accurate information on both the political and the military situations in Baku so we can take the correct action.’
‘Baku’s capture would be a huge prestige gain for either Turk, or German as well as solving their oil needs and that would prolong the war,’ suggested Clarke.
‘Not something any of us want and so whatever we can do from here we must do,’ said the general. ‘Continue, Colonel Routledge.’
Routledge paused to wipe his brow with a handkerchief and stuffed it into his pocket and when he saw the general looking at him he patted the bulge and quickly continued, ‘whilst many of the Turkestan tribes belong to the same ethnic group and speak the basic language as the Ottoman Turks that does not mean they all support the Turks. The Turks will be seen as saviours by the Azeris but if they moved across to Turkistan they might find less friendly Turkic peoples – conservative religious Moslems like the Emir of Bokhara see the Turks as too influenced by the infidel west and oppose what they stand for. Whether that Emir would actually fight the Turks is difficult to judge. Finally, if the Sunni Turks were to reach our North-West frontier, where the tribesmen are mainly Shia, they might not get the support they might expect from their coreligionists.’
‘Somehow we got onto Turkestan again when I thought you were dealing with Persia,’ stated General Harris.
‘Persia itself contains Turkic tribesmen mainly in the north-west of the country. Possibly as many as 20% of the total population of Persia may be Turkic and they might support the Turks because of their ethnicity. Since the beginning of the war some non-Turkic Persians have been, and are continuing, to support the Germans against us but they are not supporters of the Turks. The Turks are a bigger threat to Persia than the Germans.’ Routledge removed his handkerchief and patted his face.
‘Why? And stop dithering about with that handkerchief Routledge.’
Clarke intervened, ‘history and geography general. Turkey has won and lost territory to Persia before, Persia is weak, so this may be an opportunity for the Turks to seize more land and threaten our Persian oil interest further south in the country,’ he stopped for Routledge to continue.
‘The current Turkish armies’ progress east leads into that part of Persia once defended by a Russian Cossack force which is slowly withdrawing back to Russia as their numbers dwindle and their supplies dry up. The route the Turks are taking following those Cossacks leads directly via the State of Azerbaijan into Persia. The Turkic tribes who live in Persia round the southern Caspian coast opposed the Russians when they occupied Northern Persia before the war and though Shia rather than Sunni they are supporting their ethnic brother’s invasion. We believe the Turkish army has already arrived at Tabriz in Persia. If the local tribes continue to support a further Turkish advance into Persia then the latter can gain access to the Northern Persian port of Enzeli which is only 300 miles from Tabriz. Enzeli to Baku is 360 miles and not much further to Krasnovodsk.’
Clarke looked at the general who now leaned forward and was staring at the map. ‘So how would the Turks come to India, Routledge? What you have just been saying indicates that you were going to talk about that railway line again,’ the general looked puzzled. ‘I thought we were talking about an invasion from Persia.’
‘Yes but their ideal route would still be across the Caspian but from Enzeli which is closer to Turkey than Baku and shortens supply lines. Now once at Krasnovodsk.’
General Harris interrupted ‘we are back to the same train line again. I did ask you not to repeat yourself, colonel.’
‘I know general but this is different. I think the Turks will detrain at Ashkhabad not go another 300 miles to Merv. They would then cross the Persian border at Kuchan before continuing on to Meshed.’ Routledge hit the map hard, ‘once at Meshed they can launch their Indian invasion across the desert so water would be a problem along with all the other supply problems: animals, arms, food etc.’
‘So why wouldn’t the Turks come through Herat like you suggested the Germans would?’ said the general.
Clarke stirred himself again, ‘I think this is more a political than military issue. The further east one goes in Turkestan the more conservative the local religious and political leaders are. The Emir of Bokhara opposed the 1908 revolution of the Young Turks in Turkey – because it was thought to be Un-Islamic and of course it restricted the Sultan’s role in the country. No hereditary political leader, like the Emir, likes to see a fellow hereditary political leader lose their powers or have them restricted. Western Turkistan has a small population which is less religious than the population found further east in Turkestan and has no hereditary leader to lead any opposition to the Turks. The Turks therefore will avoid any potential problems with the Emir by entering Persia at Kuchan a widely used crossing point from Turkistan. I must remind the general that the Russian troops who were at Meshed and whose purpose was to stop, as they did earlier in the war, any German or Turkish secret agents getting to Afghanistan or India through that city have withdrawn back to Russia. Their disappearance has left a gaping hole at Meshed through which an invasion force could pour towards India.’
‘Thank you, Clarke,’ said Routledge glad for the respite. ‘We need soldiers fulfilling the role that Muncerforce is intended to play on the Caspian – if we can find any men left here.’
Harris laughed, ‘timing is everything, Colonel Routledge. I have received today, just before our meeting, a directive from the War Office that a small force of our Indian troops must be sent to Meshed and that a senior officer, Brigadier General Barber, is to be in charge of t
hat mission. The purpose of the mission is to do what we just suggested plug the hole immediately.’
‘These troops ordered to Meshed,’ Routledge sounded aggrieved as he added ‘shouldn’t we have decided that?’
‘Yes,’ Harris waved the paper, ‘look the War Office has to make some decisions on the hoof.’ He put the paper down on the desk and leaned forward, ‘I’m glad those in far off London acted quickly and I’m glad that they recognise the importance of Meshed and the need for a senior officer to be in charge there. General Barber is ideal for the post because as you know he has wide experience but it will take time for him to get here from Basra. General Barber will report to us in India not to the Mesopotamia Command, which avoids any friction between us and the Basra headquarters. Colonel Statham remains in charge of intelligence operations at Meshed and Brigadier Fishlock is to be acting military commander there. Now, what London has asked us to do is to provide officers to support the mission in its intelligence activities. There’s a nice headache for you both.’
‘Thank you sir,’ Clarke and Routledge said in unison as they both wondered how they were going to find relevant officers when thanks to the war they were in short supply.
‘Any questions?’ Harris asked. The two men shook their heads. ‘Going back to the current Persian Government they are favourable to us unlike the lot they had in last year, Clarke, am I right?’
‘Yes they are. It has apparently cost us a lot of money and effort to get the current pro-British leader into power. But, if our chap gets turfed out his replacement could side with the Huns again - though neutrality may be seen as Persia’s best policy. Of course,’ he added grinning, ’if the Persians did go over to the Germans then we could always stir up the tribes just like the Germans did against us until last year. The Persian tribes never like whichever government is in power in Teheran. It would be a piece of cake to stir them up.’
‘The biter bit,’ smiled Routledge.
‘Colonel Routledge, why won’t the Turks or Germans go through Persia to India?’ Asked Clarke.
General Harris spoke out. ‘I can answer that. They have: no railway and no roads to move large bodies of men; little water and if they tried to live off the land they’d have trouble with the tribes. I know I’ve been there.’ He paused and after a few seconds he looked at his watch then at the colonel.
‘I agree with the general that any threat will not come that way in this war.’ Routledge moved the blunt side of the pencil from Russia through Persia to the Indian border before he put his pencil back into his pocket.
The general leaned back in his chair nodding his head in appreciation at Routledge’s presentation. ‘Sit down, Routledge, don’t worry about the map.’ The general waited until Routledge had sat down before saying, ‘so, this threat to invade India is non-existent but London says we must have people in Meshed so we will.’ Harris, eyebrows raised, ‘anything else?’
‘One thing we have not mentioned this morning is Indian subversives. These Bolos seem to want to export their revolution and use such Indians to sell their message. Could the subversives be smuggled to India via Meshed or Tashkent?’ suggested Routledge.
Clarke spoke slowly feeling for his words. ‘It is possible but again whilst we in the Political Office have heard nothing specific. There are rumours that people will be trying to infiltrate our borders from Russia because these Bolos are revolutionaries and against all empires. We do have a bit of good news. Robbins, our chap in the Kashgar Mission in Chinese Turkestan, is retiring next month and will have to be replaced. He has requested in his latest report that he would like to return home through Russia visiting Tashkent en route. This visit he says will give him the chance to find out for us exactly what the political situation is in Tashkent.’
‘London knows about this request, Clarke?’
‘The request came in yesterday from Kashgar, general, so it has only gone off to London this morning.’
Routledge butted in, ‘We must support Robbins’ request so he can find out exactly how many German prisoners there are, their physical fitness, their state of mind and anything else relevant about them or the Austro-Hungarian POWs.’
‘Yes,’ snapped the general, ‘we cannot rely on foreigners like the Swedes and Danes to give us exact information. We must remember the Swedes in this war are pro-German. The India Office’s intention for this mission is primarily political now by chance that can be led by Robbins. What the Indian army needs is military information that Robbins, being a civilian, cannot evaluate. To get that military material we need a military officer or officers to join Robbins’ proposed mission.’
‘You think the Russians would welcome British military officers in Tashkent?’ Clarke asked amazed.
‘No, not put as baldly as that. By telling the Bolos that all we are doing is monitoring the Central Powers prisoners and their repatriation home,’ suggested Routledge, ‘they may tolerate the mission.’
Clarke responded, ‘what we need to know on the political side is what the people are like who are running the area’s government and their attitudes to: the Turks and the Germans moving east into Russian territory; allowing the POWs to become an Indian invasion force; sending the POWs home or recruiting them to the Bolo army; Indian Nationalists. We must also know if Germany is trying to buy cotton and whether the Bolos will sell it to them? Of course,’ Clarke added, ‘the current Bolo government may have disappeared by the time our mission gets there.’
The general exhaled loudly and looked the floor. After a few seconds he raised his head. ‘Military and political people working together seems sensible to me, eh Routledge?’
Routledge nodded his head vigorously, ‘I think it’s one of your best ideas, sir.’ Clarke wanted to laugh but controlled himself.
‘So to sum up from what has been said. It is unlikely that the Germans could invade us but this proposed mission sounds like an insurance policy against that happening. The mission gives us the benefits of political and military intelligence. I’ll propose this as my idea to the viceroy and London which will guarantee it will happen. Anything else?’ Harris looked and sounded like he did not want anything else - but he was out of luck.
‘Yes, sir,’ Clarke sounded angry, ‘I gather from London that the War Office, with probable Foreign Office support, originally proposed a similar mission to be run using Arabs - unbelievable. This part of Russia is in our sphere of influence and responsibility not the Foreign Office. Neither the Government of India nor the India Office wants the Foreign Office meddling here. Look at the mistake they have made in Arabia supporting the Sheriff of Mecca instead of our chap Ibn-Saud. Look at the mess they got us into when they sent us those two dreadful men to Kut. I think we should protest to the India Office and that they do something about it.’
‘Herbert and Lawrence, typical Foreign Office wallahs – know it all. Well they thought they did – idiots.' Routledge interjected angrily.
‘Yes,’ said Clarke animatedly, ‘sent to arrange the bribery of the Commander of the Turkish forces besieging Kut-al-Mara in Mesopotamia! Well they certainly failed in that. They treated all our people as though they were idiots, and generally made themselves as unwelcome as possible. If that is the standard of the people in the Foreign Office then we must keep the blighters out.’
‘They were map drawers in Cairo - couple of academics types. Apparently, they had no military knowledge and as someone said about them “Give them a Mills bomb and they would extract the pin, throw that at the enemy and keep the bomb. Hopeless, hopeless, hopeless.’
The general nodded slowly, ‘I agree with your sentiments but we have to be careful, Clarke. I think we have quite enough to do without antagonising the Foreign Office. How many army officers would we send to Tashkent?’
Routledge looked at Clarke as he replied to the general. ‘Two should be enough, sir.’
Clarke then said, ‘Yes, we will also be finding the replacement officer for Robbins from our Political Department. I t
hink the chap who is replacing Robbins should go to Kashgar at the same time as the mission’s army officers. I think that will help the new chap in any liaison he may have to have with the mission once it’s in Russia. Also I was thinking it might be prudent to send as Robbins’ replacement someone who has a strong military and political background because this mission is covering both. Many of our political officers were originally soldiers so military awareness ought not to be a problem but both officers on the mission must speak Russian.’
‘You chaps decide who the officers should be. The rest is detail.’ said the general dismissively.
‘Of course we will need Chinese and the Amir of Afghanistan’s approval, sir for this mission.’ Clarke added empathetically, ‘still that’s a job for London.’
‘It is. All we should be doing is winning the war in Mesopotamia and keeping the damn Pathans quiet,’ the general growled. ‘When could our chaps go off?’
‘Probably another month or so when the mountain passes are open,’ Routledge replied after a pause for reflection.
‘Finalise your plans then come and see me again with a document to sign.’ The general dismissed the two men.
Clarke and Routledge agreed to meet the following day to discuss the Missions whilst in the interim they and their staff researched potential candidates. Clarke found as he began to trawl through his files many of the people serving as Political Officers had returned to their regiments at the outbreak of the war in 1914. These men were now soldiering in Mesopotamia, the Middle East, Italy, Salonika, and the Western Front. As he looked at the names on the files Clarke was sadly reminded that so many officers, whom he had known personally and would be ideal for the role required, were casualties and he would never see them again.
On the day when Routledge and Clarke met to look at the names they had come up with they decided they needed a set of rules to help them choose. These rules included: the time taken to recall an officer to Simla for briefing must be less than the six weeks because the mission was expected to leave by then. This rule meant anyone actually fighting in Europe or the Middle East was ruled out because it would take too long to get an officer transferred to India and for the latter to send his replacement. The Political Office said the person replacing Robbins at Kashgar ought to hold a military rank of lieutenant colonel or above – for status purposes. Therefore the man selected should either be a lieutenant colonel already or be a senior major due for a promotion. The man who was to lead the military side must be minimally a major.
The most obvious person to replace Robbins was a Major Sennett then serving on the Northwest frontier. Sennett was the obvious choice because the man spoke Russian and Chinese and was currently serving in India. Sennett was also a senior major and therefore a promotion for him would not cause any problems. A request was sent to Sennett’s commanding officer in Peshawar asking the major if he would accept the Kashgar post.
Major Washbrook and Captain Hutton were selected as the officers to represent the military side of mission as they had both travelled to Russia, before the war, and spoke Russian. Washbrook was currently serving near the Khyber Pass whilst Hutton was recovering from injuries sustained in an aircraft crash and was therefore not currently employed. A telegram was sent to Washbrook’s commanding officer requesting his release for the mission. Another telegram was sent to Hutton asking him whether he was still injured or whether he was now fit for duty.
Whilst the selection of the Tashkent mission members was going ahead reports were also being received from various north-east Persian towns that German and Turkish agents were arriving and becoming active in anti-Allied propaganda. Routledge and Clarke therefore had to find another two officers to go to Meshed. Captains Fernee and Mawle currently working in the Intelligence Department at Indian army headquarters in Delhi were the ones selected.
Captain Fernee was a temporary officer of the Indian Frontier Field Force and had all the credentials necessary for such an operation. Fernee had worked before the war as an undercover policeman on the Indian frontier ferreting out undesirables and opponents of Britain’s rule of India; he had worked in Persia earlier in the war as an intelligence officer. One of his roles in Persia had been in the successful tracking down and capture of Wasserstein, the German agent. Wasserstein had led the British a merry dance in the first two years of the war as he led various Persian nomad tribes in their revolt against British rule in their country. Fernee spoke not only several Indian languages but also Russian and German which might be useful if any agent from either of the latter countries attempted to cross Persia en route for India or Afghanistan. Captain Mawle was new to India having only just arrived from working in the War Office’s Intelligence Department in London. Sending Mawle to Meshed meant Simla could keep a more experienced man in their office.
The Cotton Spies Page 9
