* * *
Despite the late hour, Jensen was still in his smart new office at the Anacostia complex, four miles south-east of the White House, grappling with the headache of McDowell and what exactly he was up to. Part of him wanted his coup theory to be proved wrong, another part argued that he should be pushing the possibility far more strongly.
Many in the Cabinet might think Jensen’s suggestion ridiculous, but the pressure on the Administration seemed unrelenting. The Ulrich bombshell was yet another nail in the coffin of U.S. democracy, the repercussions of her report potentially far more significant than any of the other political embarrassments, even the Vice-President’s resignation. The media had leapt on her report to demand an immediate investigation, with pressure put on Ulrich to retract at least some of it. She had been steadfast in its defence, refusing point-blank to offer an apology or resign, merely adding to the controversy by stating that there was a lot more she had left out simply because the evidence was less conclusive.
For every expert who argued she was wildly exaggerating and that the actual number of incorrect votes was insignificant, there was another who agreed with her general conclusions, confirming that the voting system was in a chaotic state with the results potentially flawed. The knock-on effects of her report were already being felt, with polling centres confirming that the turnout for early-voting was at an all-time low. Predictions as to the final result even suggested that it could be far worse than the humiliation of 2014. At just over 36%, that had been the lowest Midterm turnout since 1942; now the 25% of 1794 might just be within reach. Politicians were doing what they could to stir up interest but their attempts were often counter-productive with several jeered and barracked into silence. Incidents where something more than just abuse was thrown were now common-place, with the authorities unable to cope with the invective stirred-up via social media.
In an attempt to fight back, the morning’s newspapers would carry a joint statement from the Democratic and Republican Parties, united now on a proactive campaign to counter the recent innuendo and lies. The facts would be in print for everyone to see and argue over, the politicians recognising that the ongoing issues had become a serious threat to voter confidence. There was no attempt to suggest the distorted revelations were part of some deeper conspiracy, it implied that they were more a campaign designed to embarrass Congress.
Whether such efforts would be effective in reversing the damage done by Irwin, Ulrich and others was doubtful, the strategy of mistrust proving far too effective. The FBI report on the Mississippi murders only helped to confirm the logic of targeting Dan Quinn, the Congressman widely regarded as the backbone of the Republican Party, a man able to unite dissenters and bring an element of common-sense to the Party’s more controversial ideas. Americans might previously have been unable to put a name to the face, but Quinn’s relatively low public profile belied his significant political influence. Each such incident ate away at the very fabric of America’s political system, both from within and through increased public apathy.
The President was now clearly regarded as weak and indecisive, the mass of politicians as complacent and uncaring, with no-one willing to force through the changes essential to keep democracy relevant and effective. To the public and the media, the escalating crisis in the South China Sea was a prime example of the President’s shortcomings. The second battle of Mischief Reef had taken another seven lives, the internet full of eyewitness reports. Virtually every news station seemed to have access to scores of video clips, some broadcasters going so far as to show the shooting of two Vietnamese by Chinese marines and the resultant chaos around Louisa Marcelo’s catamaran.
The response from Vietnam took just a few hours, a patrol boat firing on several Chinese fishing boats which it was claimed had been fishing illegally – four dead; one boat sunk. Overnight, angry mobs had swept through Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City attacking anything or anyone believed to be Chinese. Scores had been injured, the number killed as yet unclear. The Philippines had witnessed similar protests but fewer targeted attacks, a mass rally planned for when Marcelo arrived back in Manila.
The latest intelligence reports confirmed that it would take very little for China, the Philippines and Vietnam to engage in a shooting war – not bullets against unarmed civilians but missiles and torpedoes aimed at military targets. Vietnam certainly had the means through its modern fleet of Russian-built submarines and frigates, plus a capable air force. Their government had tended to adopt a passive stance over China’s expansionist policies, unwilling to risk such expensive resources in a war it couldn’t possibly win – but that now seemed to be changing.
China and Vietnam had last gone to war in 1979, with between thirty and fifty thousand killed in a vicious conflict that hadn’t even lasted a month. Despite China’s overwhelming superiority, Vietnam would again prove to be a tenacious enemy, the consequences for both countries likely to be significant.
One danger was that other nations would invariably be dragged in – not just the Philippines but possibly also Taiwan. North Korea would doubtless look on, working out how best to take advantage, perhaps even assuming America would be too distracted to react to an attack. The U.S. Seventh Fleet was doing its best to show the flag, and once the joint naval exercise with Japan ended then additional vessels would be sent south to join the USS Milius.
With pressure mounting from all sides on Cavanagh, the possibility of a political coup or some form of military takeover remained a concern; unlikely it might be, and ultimately destined to failure, but Jensen couldn’t simply ignore it. He blithely chose to disregard the President’s views, opting instead for what he considered were sensible precautions, and the FBI were now looking more closely at prominent political and military figures, it given the status more of a philosophical enquiry rather than a full-blown investigation.
Election Day was less than a week away, and it seemed as if events were inexorably heading towards an uncertain climax, one from which President Cavanagh might not yet escape without some new crisis; perhaps even a direct challenge to his authority.
The Trust Of The People Page 29
