3. D. F. Graf, "Medism," Journal of Hellenic Studies 104 (1984), pp. 15-30.
4. Thucydides 1. 93; J. LaBarbe, La Loi navale de Themistocle (Paris, 1957).
5. Meiggs, Trees, pp. 122-25.
6. Plutarch, Cimon 12.
7. Thucydides 1. 74.
8. Herodotus 8. 1, 8. 44, 8. 46.
9. Herodotus 7. 139; cf, earlier the comments by Artabanus on the role of the sea, 7. 10, 7. 49.
10. Thucydides 1. 95, placed in perspective by R. Meigg;, The Athenian Empire (Oxford, 1972), pp. 40-43.
11. W. S. Ferguson, Greek Imperialism (Boston, 1913), p. 74; see also W. Schuller, Die Herrscha f t der Athener im ersten Attischen Seebund (Berlin, 1974). In following pages I have drawn occasionally on my essay, "Athens and Its Empire," delivered at the Library of Congress in November 1986 and published in Classical journal 83 (1988), pp. 114-23.
12. J. Flint, Cecil Rhodes (Boston, 1974), pp. 228-29; J. Schumpeter, "The Sociology of Imperialism," Imperialism and Social Classes (New York, 1955), pp. 3-98; W. V. Harris, War and Imperialism in Republican Rome 327-70 B.C. (Oxford, 1978), pp. 30ff.
13. J. de Romilly, Thucydides and Athenian Imperialism (Oxford, 1963), p. 79; on pp. 71-73 she efficiently discounts the efforts of G. B. Grundy and others to find economic motives for Athenian imperialism.
14. Thucydides 1. 120. G. E. M. de Ste Croix, The Origins of the Pelo ponnesian War (Oxford, 1972), c. 7, is full on the Megarian decree though he distorts its bearing and terms.
15. Ferguson, Greek Imperialism, pp. 42-43.
16. F. Frost, American Journal of Ancient History 1 (1976), p. 70; on gangs, Demosthenes, Oration 32. 10.
17. Eupolis, quoted by Dio Chrysostom, Oration 64. 16; F. Koch, Comi- corum Atticorum Fragmenta 1 (Leipzig, 1880), adesp. 344.
18. See my essay on "Thucydides on Sea Power," Mnemosyne 31 (1979), pp. 343-50.
19. Plutarch, Themistocles 4. 3; Die Fragmente der griechischen His- toriker, ed. F. Jacoby, 2. B (Leiden, 1962), 107. 2. A. Momigliano, "Sea Power in Greek Thought," Secondo Contributo (Rome, 1966), pp. 52-67, treats primarily moral aspects as viewed by fourth-century authors.
20. Thucydides 2. 60-64; R. Garland, The Piraeus (Ithaca, 1987), pp. 18ff.
21. The change is discussed in my Athenian Coinage 480-449 B.C. (Oxford, 1970), pp. 64-71.
22. B. D. Meritt, H. T. Wade-Gery, and M. F. McGregor, The Athenian Tribute Lists, 4 vols. (Cambridge, Mass., 1939-53), is the fundamental publication of this evidence.
23. Meijer, History of Seafaring, p. 69, estimates annual pay of the navy at about 480 talents; each year moreover 20 to 30 new ships had to be built at a cost of 30 to 50 talents; repairs, dockyard expense, and other items must also be added to the list. See also S. K. Eddy, "Athens' Peacetime Navy in the Age of Pericles," Greek Roman and Byzantine Studies 9 (1968), pp. 144-56.
24. E.g., Thucydides 1. 31, 1. 35, 1. 121, 1. 143, 6. 22, 6. 43, 7. 13, 7. 57. Drafting: Thucydides 7. 13.
25. G. E. M. de Ste Croix, "Jurisdiction in the Athenian Empire," Classical Quarterly 11 (1961), pp. 94-112, 268-80.
26. M. Ostwald, Autonomia: Its Genesis and Early History (Scholars Press, 1982); V. Ehrenberg, The Greek State (Oxford, 1960).
27. G. E. M. de Ste Croix, "The Character of the Athenian Empire," Historia 3 (1954-55), pp. 1-41; promptly rebutted by H. B. Mattingly, Historia 12 (1963), pp. 257-73; T. J. Quinn, Historia 13 (1964), pp. 257-66; D. W. Bradeen, Historia 9 (1960), pp. 257-69; H. W. Pleket, Historia 12 (1963), pp. 70-77.
28. British Documents on the Origins of the War, 1898-1914, ed. G. P. Gooch and H. Temperley, 3 (London, 1928), pp. 402-3, a memorandum of January 1, 1907.
29. On privateering see Thucydides 2. 67, 2. 69, 2. 93, 3. 2, 4. 5, 4. 53, 8. 35.
30. Thucydides 6. 34.
31. Thucydides 8. 96.
32. J. K. Davies, Wealth and the Power of Wealth in Classical Athens (Oxford, 1981), pp. 20-21; A. Boeckh, Die Staatshaushaltung der Athener (3d ed.; Munich, 1886), first explored in depth the fourthcentury naval inventories; there were apparently more general inventories in the fifth century.
33. A. Andreades, A History of Greek Public Finance, 1 (Cambridge, Mass., 1933), p. 243; Xenophon, Hellenica 4. 8, 5. 1, 5. 4; Demosthenes, Oration 50.
34. S. Humphreys, The Craft of the Ancient Historian, edd. J. Eadie and J. Ober (Lanham, Maryland, 1985), p. 225.
35. Xenophon, Hellenica 7. 1 (but in 6. 1 Jason argues that Thessaly had greater resources of timber, men, and grain for naval power).
36. Davies, Wealth, pp. 13ff.; J. Amit, Athens and the Sea (Brussels, 1965), pp. 103-15; J. Cargill, The Second Athenian League (Berkeley, 1981).
37. Herodotus 8. 17; so too Philip of Croton in the late sixth century had his own trireme (Herodotus 5. 47); cf. Jordan, Athenian Navy, p. 91.
38. Jordan, Athenian Navy, pp. 70-83.
39. Demosthenes, Oration 50.
40. F. J. Maroon and E. L. Beach, Keepers of the Sea (Annapolis, 1983), p. 17.
41. Arrian, Anabasis 7. 19.
42. It may be noted here that I have passed over a list of ancient thalassocracies, first known from Castor of Rhodes and preserved in Eusebius, as being totally fictitious, despite M. Miller, The Thalassocracies (Albany, 1971); see the bibliography in L. H. Jeffery, Archaic Greece (London, 1976), pp. 252-53. The most recent treatment of the end of Athenian naval strength is J. S. Morrison, "Athenian Sea-power in 323/2 BC," Journal of Hellenic Studies 107 (1987), pp. 88-97.
Chapter IV
1. On Hellenistic history see the thorough study by E. Will, Histoire politique du monde hellenistique, 2 vols. (2d ed.; Nancy, 1979 and 1982); the brief remarks by W. W. Tarn, Hellenistic Military and Naval Developments (Cambridge, 1930). For the Ptolemaic empire, R. S. Bagnall, The Administration of the Ptolemaic Possessions outside Egypt (Leiden, 1971); I. Merker, Historia 19 (1970), pp. 141-60.
2. Diodorus 20. 47-52; E. Gruen, in The Craft of the Ancient Historian, p. 255.
3. Tarn, Developments, pp. 122-41; on the Venetian system my "Ancient Warship," Classical Philology 35 (1940), pp. 353-74, esp. pp. 371ff. (now in my Essays on Ancient History, pp. 59-80); L. Casson, "The Super-galleys of the Hellenistic World," The Mariner's Mirror 55 (1969), pp. 185-93; R. Anderson, Oared Fighting Ships (London, 1962), pp. 21-30, provides the alternative explanation.
4. Polybius 1. 26. 7; on Athenian building N. G. Ashton, "How Many Pentereis?" Greek Roman and Byzantine Studies 20 (1979), pp. 23742. The difficulties triremes faced in attacking quinqueremes are well illustrated by the story in Polybius 15. 2.
5. Morrison, Athenian Trireme, p. 48; see generally E. W. Marsden, Greek and Roman Artillery (Oxford, 1969).
6. Will, Histoire politique, 1, pp. 134-37, 159-78; L. Casson, "The Grain Trade of the Hellenistic World," Transactions of the American Philological Association 85 (1954), pp. 168-87.
7. Pausanias 3. 6. 5; A. Bouch6-Leclercq, Histoire des Lagides, 4 (Paris, 1907), p. 7; Will, Cambridge Ancient History, 7. 1 (Cambridge, 1984). See generally R. S. Bagnall, "The Ptolemaic Trierarchs," Chronique d'Egypte 46 (1971), pp. 356-62; H. Hauben, "Callicrates of Samos," Studia hellenistica 18 (1970); J. Lesquier, Les institutions militaires de l'Egypte sous les Lagides (Paris, 1911).
8. F. W. Walbank, Journal of Roman Studies 106 (1986), p. 243, reviewing K. Buraselis, Das hellenistische Makedonien and die Agais (Munich, 1983).
9. M. Bieber, Sculpture of the Hellenistic Age (rev, ed.; New York, 1961), pp. 125-26.
10. Tarn, Developments, p. 142.
11. Polybius 4. 46-47; Strabo 14. 2. 5 C651; R. M. Berthold, Rhodes in the Hellenistic World (Ithaca, 1984).
12. Polybius 5. 89.
13. See my Beginnings of Imperial Rome (Ann Arbor, 1980), pp. 27-31, 57-64.
14. J. H. Thiel, A History of Roman Sea Power before the Second Punic War (Amsterdam, 1954).
15. H. T. Wallinga, The Boarding-Bridge of the Romans (Groningen, 1956).
16. A. Degrassi, Inscriptiones Latinae Liberae Rei Publicae, 1 (Florence, 1957), no
. 319. Bank Leu, Auktion 42 (Zurich, 1987), nos. 34 and 35, illustrates two copper bars with respectively trident and sacred chickens and suggests they were issued in connection with the Roman naval victories; the copper as with prow of a ship is wellknown.
17. Polybius 1. 37.
18. J. H. Thiel, Studies in the History of Roman Sea-Power in Republican Times (Amsterdam, 1946); only G. de Sanctis, Storia dei Romani 3. 2 (2d ed.; Florence, 1968), p. 12, seems to comprehend the real reason why Hannibal marched by land.
19. E. S. Gruen, The Hellenistic World and the Coming of Rome (Berkeley, 1984), p. 271; see also A. N. Sherwin-White, Roman Foreign Policy in the East (London, 1984).
20. W. V. Harris, War and Imperialism in Republican Rome 327-70 B.C. (Oxford, 1978).
21. Appian 11. 21-22, 27, 39; A. H. McDonald and F. W. Walbank, "The Treaty of Apamea (188 B.C.): The Naval Clauses," Journal of Roman Studies 59 (1969), pp. 30-39.
22. According to I'olybius 30. 31 Rhodian revenues sank from a million to 150,000 drachmae as a result.
23. Polybius 6. 52.
24. Meiggs, Trees, p. 117.
25. G. H. Tipps, "The Battle of Ecnomus," Historia 34 (1985), pp. 43265, judges Roman tactics more sharply.
26. Lucretius 2. 1; E. de Saint Denis, Le Role de la mer dans la podsie latine (Paris, 1935), as corrected by Thiel, Studies, pp. 1-31.
27. Lycophron, Alexandra 1229-30; though usually dated to the early third century this particular passage seems impossible at that time and may have been interpolated. A. Momigliano, "Terra Marique," Journal of Roman Studies 32 (1942), pp. 53-64, takes it as referring to victory over Pyrrhus; Gruen, Hellenistic World, 1, p. 320, places it no earlier than success in the Second Macedonian War; S. R. West, "Lycophron Italicised?" Journal of Hellenic Studies 104 (1984), pp. 127-51.
28. On the Responses of the Haruspices 19.
29. W. Capelle, "Griechische Ethik and romischer Imperialismus," Klio 25 (1932), pp. 86-113; Dionysius of Halicarnassus 1. 5. 2-3; Plutarch, de fortuna Romanorum (Moralia 316C ff.).
30. P. Brule, La piraterie cretoise hellenistique (Paris, 1978). We need a newer treatment of piracy than H. A. Ormerod, Piracy in the Ancient World (Liverpool, 1924; reprint 1967).
31. Strabo 14. 5. 2 C668.
32. On the resurrection of Roman naval strength see the first chapter in my Roman Imperial Navy (2d ed.; Cambridge, 1960).
33. On the Manilian Law 11. 31-33; more generally on hatred of Roman injustice, Against Verres 3. 89.
34. Appian 12. 94-96.
35. Pliny, Natural History 7. 98.
36. To Atticus 10. 8.
37. Suetonius 16, to be preferred over Dio Cassius 48. 49. 1.
38. Appian, Civil Wars 5. 130.
Chapter V
1. L. Keppie, The Making of the Roman Army (London, 1984); J. B. Campbell, The Emperor and the Roman Army 31 B.C.-A.D. 235 (Oxford, 1984).
2. In the following pages I have drawn on occasion from my doctoral dissertation, published as The Roman Imperial Navy 31 B.C.-A.D. 324 (Ithaca, 1941), in a second edition by Heller (Cambridge, 1960), and still in print by Greenwood Publishers. M. Redd6, Mare Nostrum (Rome, 1986), has resurveyed the subject in a very long French dissertation that does not in my judgment advance our knowledge greatly (see my review in Gnomon).
3. Tacitus, Annals 1. 9; Vegetius 4. 31 emphasizes the permanent character of the Roman navy henceforth.
4. J. H. Rose, The Mediterranean in Ancient Times (Cambridge, 1933), p. 120, also pp. 145-46.
5. Roman Imperial Navy, pp. 17-21, 23-24, with the caution that not every tombstone attests a naval station; Redd@, Mare Nostrum, pp. 145-319, is very full on the ports, but does not fully appreciate my warning in "Naval Activity in Greek Imperial Issues," Revue suisse de numismatique 46 (1967), pp. 51-57 (now in my Essays on Ancient History, pp. 278-84), that the presence of a naval type on a coin does not necessarily prove naval activity, especially in inland mints.
6. Ulpian, Digest 37. 13, "In the fleets rowers and sailors are milites."
7. For C. Courtois, "Les politiques navales de l'Empire romain," Revue historique 186 (1939), pp. 17-47 and 225-59, and others this was the primary reason for the creation of a permanent navy; see Redde, Mare nostrum, p. 473.
8. D. Kienast, Untersuchungen zu den Kriegsflotten der romischen Kaises'zeit (Bonn, 1966), reviews the evidence on the status of sailors and reaches the same conclusion as that in Roman Imperial Navy, pp. 66-70; see also S. Panciera, Rendiconti, Accademia nazionale dei Lincei, classe di scienze morali, storiche e filologiche, 8. ser. 19 (1964), pp. 316-28; and the survey by Redd6, Mare nostrum, pp. 474-86, which is concordant.
9. Aegyptische Urkunden aus den Koeniglichen Museum zu Berlin: Griechische Urkunden (Berlin, 1895), no. 423, early second century from Philadelphia.
10. Mahan, Influence of Sea Power, p. iii; Redd,', Mare nostrum, p. 8, considers his primary purpose to be to illuminate the uses of the navy, but his analytical treatment (pp. 323-453) is a mixture of events over five centuries both in the Mediterranean and on the northern frontiers that is not particularly useful.
11. Apart from general treatments see K. Hopkins' survey of shipwrecks, Journal of Roman Studies 70 (1980), pp. 105-6 (based on A. J. Parker's statistics); J. Rouge, Recherches sur l'organisation du commerce maritime en Mediterranee sous l'empire Romain (Paris, 1966); J. H. D'Arms and E. C. Koepff, edd., The Seaborne Commerce of Ancient Rome (Rome, 1984).
12. So too even in Merovingian times pepper or papyrus warehouses existed at Massalia (Roug(-, Ships and Fleets, p. 195).
13. Tacitus, Annals 3. 54, 12. 43, 15. 18; earlier 2. 59 in Augustan policy. See generally G. Rickman, The Corn Supply of Ancient Rome (Oxford, 1980).
14. G. Milne, The Port of Roman London (London, 1985); Gallia 30 (1972), pp. 520-22; R. Meiggs, Roman Ostia (Oxford, 1973); Vitruvius 5. 12 comments on the creation of artificial harbors. G. E. Rickman and G. W. Houston suggest useful questions in American Journal of Archaeology 90 (1986), pp. 201-2.
15. The tabellariae which reached port before the main fleet were sailing ships (Seneca, Epistles 77).
16. Strabo 3. 2. 5 C144.
17. Digest 4. 9. 3. 1 and 47. 9. 3 (Labeo); then 14. 2. 23 (Paulus, early third century); Hans Kreller, "Lex Rhodia," Zeitschrift fiir das gesamte Handelsrecht 85 (1921), pp. 257-367. Among praises of imperial peace on the sea see especially Epictetus 3. 13. 9.
18. See my essay "Coastal Defense in the Roman World," American Journal of Philology 64 (1943), pp. 56-70.
19. Arrian, Periplus 9.
20. Tacitus, Histories 1. 31.
21. E. N. Luttwak, The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire (Baltimore, 1976), pp. 81ff.
22. Tacitus, Annals 14. 3-5; Suetonius, Nero 34; Dio Cassius 62. 13; L. Herrmann, "A propos du navire d'Agrippine," Revue des etudes anciennes 29 (1927), pp. 68-70.
23. Pliny, Natural History 9. 62; Macrobius, Satires 3. 16. 10. In his brief reign in 68-69 Vitellius was fabled to use the squadrons to cull luxuries for his table from Asia Minor to Spain (Suetonius, Vitellius 13).
24. H. Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum, 2 (London, 1923), p. xlvii. This issue is sometimes connected with Vespasian's victory over a Jewish fleet on an inland lake, but this seems too small an event to warrant such celebration.
25. S. Panciera, "Liburna," Epigraphica 18 (1956), pp. 130-56; on naval castra see the evidence for Gesoriacum and Dover, summed up by Redd6, Mare nostrum, p. 159.
26. Augustus, Res Gestae 26.
27. Strabo 7. 3. 13 C304 already had noted that the Romans transported their war supplies on the Danube under Augustus.
28. Dio 73. 16. 3; Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Julianus 6. 3-4.
29. Dio 77. 16. 7; Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Caracalla 5. 8; Corpus Inscriptionum Latinorum VI 2103a; D. van Berchem, Museum Helveticum 36 (1979), pp. 101-10, suggests on the basis of a naval diploma of 214 that the prefect may even so have been removed from office.
30. Zosimus 2. 22, 26 (where Licinius ass
embles a fleet himself by contributions from "various peoples"). Courtois, Revue historique 186 (1939), took this event as proof that formal naval organization had ceased to be effective; Kienast, Untersuchungen, disagrees, as does also Redd6, Mare nostrum, pp. 574ff., at great length.
31. G. Petzl and H. W. Pleket, Zeitschrift fiir Papyrologie and Epi- graphik 34 (1979), p. 283, on a milestone from Lydia (A.D. 333-57).
32. E. A. Thompson, A Roman Reformer and Inventor (Oxford, 1952), pp. 119-20: see also M. W. C. Hassall and R. I. Ireland, De Rebus Bellicis (Oxford, 1979), who comment (pp. 84-89) on the use of horse-driven paddle boats from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century in both Europe and America.
33. A. Ferrill, The Fall of the Roman Empire, The Military Explanation (New York, 1986).
34. Theodosian Code 9. 40. 24, of A.D. 419.
35. Yet some kind of scratch fleets could be employed; cf. J. M. O'Flynn, Generalissimos of the Western Roman Empire (Edmonton, 1983), pp. 105, 110, 116.
36. Polybius 38. 21.
Epilogue
1. Democratic Ideals and Reality (London, 1919), p. 150.
2. Downs, Books that Changed the World, pp. 263ff., does follow his discussion of Mahan with an analysis of Mackinder's theory.
3. F. W. Kienitz, Volker im Schatten (Munich, 1981), tries to argue that Roman mastery ruined native cultural possibilities in the western Mediterranean.
4. Edward Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ed. J. B. Bury, I (London, 1909), pp. 85-86.
Bibliography
Articles, handbooks, and books of limited value are not included here.
Amit, M., Athens and the Sea (Brussels, 1965).
Anderson, R., Oared Fighting Ships (London, 1962).
Braudel, F., The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II (New York, 1973).
Brul6, P., La piraterie crdtoise helldnistique (Paris, 1978).
Cargill, J., The Second Athenian League (Berkeley, 1981).
Casson, L., The Ancient Mariners (New York, 1959).
Casson, L., Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World (Princeton, 1971).
The Influence of Sea Power on Ancient History Page 10
