666 Pinelli, La moralità nel Decam. in Propugnatore (1882), xv and xvi; also Dejob, A propos de la partie honnête du Décam. in Revue Universitaire (July 15, 1900).
667 See Appendix VIII, p. 367 et seq.
668 Decameron, V, 10.
669 Ibid., VII, 2.
670 Ibid., VII, 8.
671 Ibid., VII, 7.
672 Ibid., VII, 9.
673 Ibid., II, 10.
674 Ibid., V, 9.
675 But we must be careful of our edition if we read her only in English. Some time since Mr. Algar Thorold published a fine translation of The Dialogue of S. Catherine of Siena (Kegan Paul), and here all the evidence needed can be found. But of late a “new edition” (1907) has appeared with the respectable “imprimatur” of the Catholic authorities, but all the evidence against the clergy has been omitted, probably to obtain the “imprimatur.” See infra p. 310, n. 1. S. Catherine’s impeachment of the clergy will be found in the section of her book called Il Trattato delle Lagrime. A summary of the evidence will be found in Mr. E. G. Gardner’s excellent S. Catherine of Siena (Dent, 1907), p. 361 et seq. Mr. Gardner adds that “the student ... is compelled to face the fact that the testimony of Boccaccio’s Decameron is confirmed by the burning words of a great saint.”
676 Decameron, VI, 10.
677 Ibid., VI, 2.
678 Ibid., VII, 3
679 Ibid., I, 1.
680 Ibid., III, 1; IX, 2.
681 Ibid., III, 4.
682 Cf. Biagi, La Rassettatura del Decamerone in Aneddoti Letterari (Milan, 1887), p. 262 et seq., and Foscolo, Disc. sul testo del D. in Opere (Firenze, 1850), III. The facts seem quite clear about the action of the Church with regard to the Decameron. It was condemned by the Council of Trent. The earliest edition of the Index Librorum Prohibitorum in which I have found it, is that published in Rome in 1559. Since then it has figured in every Roman edition of the Index (as far as I have tested them), the entry against it being “Donec expurg. Ind. Trent,” which means, “Until expurgated, indexed by the Council of Trent.” It appears to have remained thus provisionally condemned and prohibited until the last years of the nineteenth century. I find it still in the Index of 1881; but it no longer figures in that of 1900. The amusing point is that the Church does not seem to have minded the licentiousness of the tales as such; but to have objected to them being told of Monks, Friars, Nuns, and the Clergy, in regard to whom, as we have seen, they were merely the truth. Editions with a clerical “imprimatur” have been always published where laymen have been substituted for these. For instance, the edition printed in Florence, 1587, “con permissione de’ superiori,” etc., substitutes the avarice of magistrates for the hypocrisy of the clergy in Dec., I, 6.
683 Cf. Biagi, Il Decameron giudicato da un contemporaneo in op. cit., p. 377 et seq.
684 Cf. Hauvette, Della parentela esistente fra il MS. berlinese del Dec. e il codice Mannelli in Giorn. St. d. Lett. It. (1895), XXXI, p. 162 et seq.
685 In Sylvia, Alfred de Musset says very happily, “La Fontaine a ri dans Boccace où Shakespeare fondait en pleurs.”
686 In his Cimon, Sigismonda, and Theodore he used Nov. v. 1, iv. 1, and v. 8 respectively.
687 In his Isabella (iv. 5).
688 In his Falcon (v. 9) and Golden Supper (x. 4).
689 Nevertheless I think it probable that the reason the Decameron had, as a work of art, so little influence on our prose literature may have been the publication of King James’s Bible in 1611, nine years before the complete translation of the Decameron (1620).
690 On the other hand, though Chaucer was considerably in Boccaccio’s debt, he never mentions his name, but, as we know, he speaks of Dante and Petrarch.
691 Cf. Kuhns, Dante and the English Poets (New York, 1904), and Paget Toynbee, Dante in English Literature (Methuen, 1909).
692 Cf. H. C. Coote in Athenæum, 7th June, 1884, No. 2954.
693 If Dante moved Chaucer most, it is from Boccaccio he borrows most. Troilus and Criseyde is to a great extent a translation of the Filostrato. Cf. Rossetti, W. M., Chaucer’s “Troylus and Criseyde” compared with Boccaccio’s “Filostrato” (Chaucer Society, 1875 and 1883). The Knightes Tale is a free rendering of the Teseide. The design of the Canterbury Tales was in some sort modelled on the design of the Decameron. As we have seen, The Reeves Tale, The Frankeleynes Tale, The Schipmannes Tale are all found in the Decameron, though it is doubtful perhaps whether Chaucer got them thence. The Monks Tale is from De Casibus Virorum.
Did Chaucer meet Petrarch and Boccaccio in Italy? He seems to wish to suggest that he had met the former at Padua, but, as I have said, of the latter he says not a word, but gives “Lollius” as his authority when he uses Boccaccio’s work. Cf. Dr. Koch’s paper in Chaucer Society Essays, Pt. IV. Jusserand in Nineteenth Century, June, 1896, and in reply Bellezza in Eng. Stud., 23 (1897), p. 335.
694 Cf. Koeppel, Studien zur Geschichte der Italienischen Novelle in der Englischen Litteratur des sechszehnten Jahrhunderts in Quellen und Forschungen zur Sprach und Culturgeschichte der germanischen Volkes (Strassburg, 1892), Vol. LXX.
Decameron,
Day
i.
Nov.
3
Painter’s Palace of Pleasure, i. 30 (1566).
“
i.
“
5
“ “ “ ii. 16 (1567).
“
i.
“
8
“ “ “ i. 31.
“
i.
“
10
“ “ “ i. 32.
“
ii.
“
2
“ “ “ i. 33.
“
ii.
“
3
“ “ “ i. 34.
“
ii.
“
4
“ “ “ i. 35.
“
ii.
“
5
“ “ “ i. 36.
“
ii.
“
6
Greene’s Perimedes the Blacksmith (1588).
“
ii.
“
8
Painter’s Palace of Pleasure, i. 37.
“
ii.
“
9
Westward for Smelts, by Kind Kit of Kingston, ii. (1620).
“
iii.
“
5
H. C.’s Forest of Fancy, i. (1579).
“
iii.
“
9
Painter’s Palace of Pleasure, i. 38.
“
iv.
“
1
“ “ “ i. 39 and others.
“
iv.
“
2
Tarlton’s News out of Purgatorie, 2 (1590).
“
iv.
“
4
Turbeville’s Tragical Tales, 6 (ca. 1576).
“
iv.
“
5
“ “ “ 7.
“
iv.
“
7
“ “ “ 9.
“
iv.
“
8
“ “ “ 10.
“
iv.
“
9
“ “ “ 4.
“
v.
“
1
A Pleasant and Delightful History of Galesus, Cymon and Iphigenia, etc. by T. C. gent. Ca. 1584.
“
v.
“
2
Greene’s Perimedes the Blacksmith.
“
v.
“
7
H. C.
’s Forest of Fancy, ii.
“
v.
“
8
A notable History of Nastagio and Traversari, etc., trs. in English verse by C. T. (1569), and Turbeville, i., and Forest of Fancy.
“
vi.
“
4
Tarlton’s News, No. 4.
“
vi.
“
10
“ “ No. 5.
“
vii.
“
1
The Cobler of Caunterburie, No. 2.
“
vii.
“
4
Westward for Smelts, No. 3.
“
vii.
“
5
Cf. Thomas Twyne’s Schoolmaster (1576).
“
vii.
“
6
Tarton’s News, No. 7.
“
vii.
“
7
Hundred Mery Talys, No. 3 (1526).
“
vii.
“
8
The Cobler of Caunterburie.
“
viii.
“
4
Nachgeahunt of Whetstone (1583).
“
viii.
“
7
Painter’s Palace of Pleasure, ii. 31.
“
ix.
“
2
Thomas Twyne’s Schoolmaster. William Warner’s Albion’s England (1586-1592).
“
ix.
“
6
Cf. A Right Pleasant Historie of the Mylner of Abingdon (?).
“
x.
“
3
Painter’s Palace of Pleasure, ii. 18.
“
x.
“
4
“ “ “ ii. 19.
“
x.
“
5
“ “ “ ii. 17.
“
x.
“
8
The History of Tryton and Gesyppustrs, out of the Latin by William Wallis (?), and The Boke of the Governours by Sir Thomas Elyot, lib. ii. cap. xii. (1531).
“
x.
“
9
Painter’s Palace of Pleasure,[A] ii. 20.
“
x.
“
10
The Pleasant and Sweet History of Patient Grissel (?) and another (1619).
[A] Painter’s Palace of Pleasure is almost certainly the source of the Tales of Boccaccio which Shakespeare used.
695 This first translation has been reprinted by Mr. Charles Whibley in The Tudor Translations (4 vols., David Nutt, 1909), with an introduction by Edward Hutton. In it the story of Fra Rustico (III, 10) has been omitted by the anonymous translator, and a harmless Scandinavian tale substituted for it.
696 In 1804, 1820, 1822, 1846 (1875), 1884, 1886, 1896.
697 A reprint of the 1896 edition of the Decameron translated by J. M. Rigg, with J. A. Symonds’s essay as Introduction (Routledge, 1905), and the edition spoken of supra, n. 2.
698 Filacolo (ed. cit.), ii. pp. 242-3. I give the whole passage for the sake of clearness: “Ma non lungo tempo quivi ricevuti noi dimorò, che abbandonata la semplice giovane [i.e. Giannai or Jeanne; he is speaking of his father] e l’ armento tornò ne’ suoi campi, e quivi appresso noi si tirò, e non guari lontano al suo natal sito la promessa fede a Giannai ad un altra, Garamita chiamata, ripromise e servò, di cui nuova prole dopo piccolo spazio riceveo. Io semplice e lascivo, come già dissi, le pedate dello ingannator padre seguendo, volendo un giorno nella paternal casa entrare, due orsi ferocissimi e terribili mi vidi avanti con gli occhi ardenti desiderosi della mia morte, de’ quali dubitando io volsi i passi miei e da quell’ ora innanzi sempre d’ entrare in quella dubitai. Ma acciocchè io più vero dica, tanta fu la paura, che abbandonati i paternali campi, in questi boschi venni l’ apparato uficio a operare....”
699 The document quoted by Della Torre, op. cit., p. 24, seems to prove that Francesco was born in 1321.
700 Cf. Dante, Paradiso, v. 82-4.
701 Cf. S. Isidoro di Siviglia, Origines in Opera Omnia (Paris, 1580), cap. 75. Also Papia, Elementarium (Milan, 1476), under Aetas; and see Della Torre, op. cit., p. 73.
702 Ameto (ed. cit.), p. 225.
703 Ibid., p. 227.
704 See G. Betussi, La Genealogia degli Dei di Boccaccio (Venice, 1547). Cf. Della Torre, op. cit., p. 123. The evidence is not good enough to base an argument on unsupported.
705 Cf. D’ Ancona e Bocci, Manuale della Lett. Ital. (Firenze, 1904), Vol. I, p. 579.
706 Filocolo (ed. cit.), I, pp. 4-5.
707 Cf. The Complete Works of Geoffrey Chaucer (Clarendon Press, 1901), p. 401.
708 Op. cit.
709 In Dekameron von G. B. aus dem Italienischen übersetz (Leipzig, 1859), Vol. I, p. 22, note 2.
710 Op. cit., p. 104.
711 In Nuova Antologia (1875), XXVIII, p. 562.
712 Op. cit.
713 Cf. Crescini in Kristischer Jahresbericht, etc. (1898); Hauvette: Une Confession de Boccacce — Il Corbaccio in Bulletin Italien (1901), i, p. 7.
714 See Ameto (ed. cit.), p. 227. I quote the passage: “Ed ancorachè Febo avesse tutti i dodici segnali mostrati del cielo sei volte, poichè quello era stato, pure riformò la non falsa fantasia nella offuscata memoria la vedute effigie....” Then below: “Ma sedici volte tonda, e altrettante bicorna ci si mostrò Febea....” That is six years and sixteen months, or in other words, seven years and four months.
715 Witte’s and Koerting’s theory, based on 25 March as the beginning of spring, certainly receives some support from Boccaccio’s comment on Dante, Inferno, i. 38-40: —
“E’ l sol montava su con quelle stelle
Ch’ eran con lui quando l’ amor divino
Mosse da prima quelle cose belle....”
Boccaccio, after speaking of “Ariete, nel principio del quale affermano alcuni Nostro Signore aver creato e posto il corpo del sole,” adds: “e perciò volendo l’ autore dimostrare per questa descrizione il principio della Primavera, dice che il Sole saliva su dallo emisferio inferiore al superiore, con quelle stelle le quali erano con lui quando il divino amore lui e l’ altre cose belle creò; ... volendo per questo darne ad intendere, quando da prima pose la mano alla presente opera essere circa al principio della Primavera; e così fu siccome appresso apparirà: egli nella presente fantasia entrò a dì 25 di Marzo.” — Comento (ed. cit.), cap. i.
716 cioè di Monte Ceceri....
Giovanni Boccaccio by Francis Hueffer
From ‘1911 Encyclopædia Britannica, Volume 4’
GIOVANNI BOCCACCIO (1313–1375), Italian author, whose Decameron is one of the classics of literature, was born in 1313, as we know from a letter of Petrarch, in which that poet, who was born in 1304, calls himself the senior of his friend by nine years. The place of his birth is somewhat doubtful — Florence, Paris and Certaldo being all mentioned by various writers as his native city. Boccaccio undoubtedly calls himself a Florentine, but this may refer merely to the Florentine citizenship acquired by his grandfather. The claim of Paris has been supported by Baldelli and Tiraboschi, mainly on the ground that his mother was a lady of good family in that city, where she met Boccaccio’s father. There is a good deal in favour of Certaldo, a small town or castle in the valley of the Elsa, 20 m. from Florence, where the family had some property, and where the poet spent much of the latter part of his life. He always signed his name Boccaccio da Certaldo, and named that town as his birthplace in his own epitaph. Petrarch calls his friend Certaldese; and Filippo Villani, a contemporary, distinctly says that Boccaccio was born in Certaldo.
Boccaccio, an
illegitimate son, as is put beyond dispute by the fact that a special licence had to be obtained when he desired to become a priest, was brought up with tender care by his father, who seems to have been a merchant of respectable rank. His elementary education he received from Giovanni da Strada, an esteemed teacher of grammar in Florence. But at an early age he was apprenticed to an eminent merchant, with whom he remained for six years, a time entirely lost to him, if we may believe his own statement. For from his tenderest years his soul was attached to that “alma poesis,” which, on his tombstone, he names as the task and study of his life. In one of his works he relates that, in his seventh year, before he had ever seen a book of poetry or learned the rules of metrical composition, he began to write verse in his childish fashion, and earned for himself amongst his friends the name of “the poet.” It is uncertain where Boccaccio passed these six years of bondage; most likely he followed his master to various centres of commerce in Italy and France. We know at least that he was in Naples and Paris for some time, and the youthful impressions received in the latter city, as well as the knowledge of the French language acquired there, were of considerable influence on his later career. Yielding at last to his son’s immutable aversion to commerce, the elder Boccaccio permitted him to adopt a course of study somewhat more congenial to the literary tastes of the young man. He was sent to a celebrated professor of canon law, at that time an important field of action both to the student and the practical jurist. According to some accounts — far from authentic, it is true — this professor was Cino da Pistoia, the friend of Dante, and himself a celebrated poet and scholar. But, whoever he may have been, Boccaccio’s master was unable to inspire his pupil with scientific ardour. “Again,” Boccaccio says, “I lost nearly six years. And so nauseous was this study to my mind, that neither the teaching of my master, nor the authority and command of my father, nor yet the exertions and reproof of my friends, could make me take to it, for my love of poetry was invincible.”
About 1333 Boccaccio settled for some years at Naples, apparently sent there by his father to resume his mercantile pursuits, the canon law being finally abandoned. The place, it must be confessed, was little adapted to lead to a practical view of life one in whose heart the love of poetry was firmly rooted. The court of King Robert of Anjou at Naples was frequented by many Italian and French men of letters, the great Petrarch amongst the number. At the latter’s public examination in the noble science of poetry by the king, previous to his receiving the laurel crown at Rome, Boccaccio was present, — without, however, making his personal acquaintance at this period. In the atmosphere of this gay court, enlivened and adorned by the wit of men and the beauty of women, Boccaccio lived for several years. We can imagine how the tedious duties of the market and the counting-house became more and more distasteful to his aspiring nature. We are told that, finding himself by chance on the supposed grave of Virgil, near Naples, Boccaccio on that sacred spot took the firm resolution of devoting himself for ever to poetry. But perhaps another event, which happened some time after, led quite as much as the first-mentioned occurrence to this decisive turning-point in his life. On Easter-eve, 1341, in the church of San Lorenzo, Boccaccio saw for the first time the natural daughter of King Robert, Maria, whom he immortalized as Fiammetta in the noblest creations of his muse. Boccaccio’s passion on seeing her was instantaneous, and (if we may accept as genuine the confessions contained in one of her lover’s works) was returned with equal ardour on the part of the lady. But not till after much delay did she yield to the amorous demands of the poet, in spite of her honour and her duty as the wife of another. All the information we have with regard to Maria or Fiammetta is derived from the works of Boccaccio himself, and owing to several apparently contradictory statements occurring in these works, the very existence of the lady has been doubted by commentators, who seem to forget that, surrounded by the chattering tongues of a court, and watched perhaps by a jealous husband, Boccaccio had all possible reason to give the appearance of fictitious incongruity to the effusions of his real passion. But there seems no more reason to call into question the main features of the story, or even the identity of the person, than there would be in the case of Petrarch’s Laura or of Dante’s Beatrice. It has been ingeniously pointed out by Baldelli, that the fact of her descent from King Robert being known only to Maria herself, and through her to Boccaccio, the latter was the more at liberty to refer to this circumstance, — the bold expression of the truth serving in this case to increase the mystery with which the poets of the middle ages loved, or were obliged, to surround the objects of their praise. From Boccaccio’s Ameto we learn that Maria’s mother was, like his own, a French lady, whose husband, according to Baldelli’s ingenious conjecture, was of the noble house of Aquino, and therefore of the same family with the celebrated Thomas Aquinas. Maria died, according to his account, long before her lover, who cherished her memory to the end of his life, as we see from a sonnet written shortly before his death.
Collected Works of Giovanni Boccaccio Page 497
