‘And the four billion for the Indonesians?’
‘It was in the budget last May.’ Bagshaw reached for her tea and took a sip, then replaced the elegant cup in the saucer. ‘No-one had an issue with it then, and indeed I recall even you thought it was good government policy.’
‘Tied to an immigration policy with legislation currently before the parliament I do, yes.’ Gordon wiped his brow, pushing at his hair. ‘It’s not due to come into effect until the middle of next year; there are a further three annual payments to the Indonesians, so why is the money suddenly so urgent?’
‘Who knows, Gordon. It is not our job to question what the government does.’
‘The parliament is the final arbiter on all these policy matters, and we have a responsibility to ensure legislation is in the best possible form before it goes to the chamber. Given treasury has not given the nod to the legislation, I suspect something is going on.’
‘A conspiracy, Gordon? Surely not.’ Bagshaw took another draught of tea, peering at him above her cup. ‘You’re not suggesting the government is putting one over the parliament are you, Gordon?’
‘They’ve done it before.’
‘Gordon, you’re overthinking this. The government wants the punters to have the stimulus money before Christmas, and maybe they are tying in the Indonesian funds so work can start as soon as possible.’ Bagshaw replaced her cup. ‘They are Muslims after all, so they won’t stop work over the festive season, as we do here.’
Gordon knew the speaker supported what Gerrard wanted to do and sat silently looking at her.
‘So now what happens?’ Bagshaw interrupted the uncomfortable silence.
‘I have spoken with the opposition and they will not vote for an amended stimulus package Appropriation Bill with the Indonesian immigration money in it.’
‘Really?’ The speaker was genuinely surprised.
‘Confirmed on Friday with their manager of business, before I spoke to treasury.’
‘You have been busy, haven’t you, Gordon.’
‘Just doing my job.’
‘A job that has only five days left.’ The speaker glanced at the clock.
‘I’ve been at this for almost forty years, Speaker, and it’s part of my job description to ensure the parliament is protected.’ Gordon felt a prickly flush move through him and shakily wiped his upper lip of perspiration. ‘I will continue to work hard no matter how much time I have.’
‘Well, you had better take a look at the television and watch how I do my job.’ Bagshaw pointed a remote at the television and flicked it on. Gordon turned to the television, which was tuned to Sky News, and saw the prime minister enter the courtyard outside his office flanked by James Harper, and stand behind a lectern and arrange his notes before adjusting the microphones.
‘Ladies and gentlemen, thank you for coming. With the tragedy of last week still fresh in our minds, and its sadness still embedded in our hearts, we must nevertheless continue the work of government.
‘You all know we will be moving to by-elections at the very earliest opportunity, and I would like to announce now that they will be held on Saturday the seventh of February next year. It is important to realise that government must continue to function until that time, despite holding a minority of seats in the parliament. Clearly we are hamstrung in what we can do, but nevertheless, we have bills to bring before the parliament this week and questions of importance to answer.
‘This morning, I have had a protracted meeting with my colleague Mr James Harper, the leader of the opposition, to discuss what should be done during this stressful and uncertain period. He has agreed with me that for the sake of stability, we should allow the government to run its course until the results of the by-elections are known in February. In other words, there will be no change to the government until the results of the elections are known.
‘I wish to thank Mr Harper for his very honourable response, and I will be delivering that message to the governor-general this morning. To ensure the stability of the government, the market and other institutions, I wish to make a number of announcements.
‘I have discussed with James a number of policy issues and we have agreed to make these announcements together. This is what a cooperative and inclusive government does at a time like this, when ill-considered actions could unsettle the economy and the markets. We have put aside our partisan disagreements and we will work together for the betterment of our nation.
‘Today we will be tabling in the parliament legislation foreshadowed last week concerning an economic stimulus package that will allow the distribution of significant benefits to all Australian households before Christmas. On average, every taxpaying Australian will receive nine hundred dollars. For those Australians who do not pay tax, they will receive five hundred dollars. There is no cut-off point, no cap, no discrimination: this will apply to all Australians.
‘We estimate the amount of six billion dollars will be released into the economy over the next few months. Our hope is that Australians will spend their cash bonus, ensuring retail sales over Christmas and early next year will be sustained. The quid pro quo for this release of funds into the economy is that those who receive it, should spend it. Yes, that’s right, we want all Australians to have a very merry Christmas this year.’ Gerrard and Harper exchanged smiles.
‘To ensure we have stability of government, I have discussed with James the passage of this legislation through both houses of parliament this week, and he has assured me that if all things are equal in the drawing up of the legislation, then the bill will move through both houses and be passed without objection this week. To this end, the government and opposition have drawn up an agreement to ensure the stability of the parliament this week, which we will sign before you today.
‘Before signing the agreement, are there any questions?’ A gaggle of voices erupted from the assembled media. ‘Paul?’
‘Prime Minister, will the money be guaranteed to be in taxpayer bank accounts before Christmas?’
‘The answer is yes. With the agreement of Mr Harper, I have instructed treasury to begin the task of releasing funds for transfer by the middle of next week. It is therefore important we get this legislation through this week, which is why we are working together to ensure it happens. Michael?’
‘Will there be dispute over who is eligible?’
‘Those Australians who completed a tax return on time this year, and those Australians who are currently on welfare will receive the funds. One more, Anita?’
‘Prime Minister, there has been a lot of work done with the Indonesians in regard to the announced offshore detention centres, and indeed legislation with the initial allocation of four hundred million dollars was drawn up for tabling in the parliament last week—’
‘Is this a statement or a question?’ Gerrard interrupted.
‘Why did you initially have it listed on the notice paper and now it is no longer listed? There is a rumour you originally wanted the entire budgeted amount of four billion dollars for the project to be coupled to this stimulus package Appropriation Bill. Are you now saying it is not required? And is it just the punters who are getting this cash splash or do you have plans to pay the Indonesians?’
‘The answers to these questions can be found in the budget papers. We announced an agreement with Indonesia and confirmed last week when their president was here that the project was going ahead. I held further discussions with the Indonesian president last Friday, after the memorial service. Our intention is to clear funds for construction works as soon as possible. As you may not know, the Indonesians have already commenced preliminary site works. We are also looking forward to resolving the moral dilemma of the execution of the drug smugglers, which has outraged the Australian public for many years.
‘I know I can speak for James when I say that we are working together to rid ourselves of the scourge of people smugglers. We believe the bipartisan approach taken to the issue so far has been very helpful.
Funding is not an issue, as it has already been forecasted and budgeted. So, whether it happens today, next week, next month, or even next year, it will have no bearing on our commitment to establish centres in Indonesia.
‘Okay, let’s sign the agreement so I can take it to the governor-general.’ Gerrard flipped open a leather compendium on the lectern and held out a pen to Harper, cameras firing to capture the moment. Harper hesitated before stepping forward with a smile to sign the document.
O’Brien turned back to the speaker and reflected for a moment about what he had just witnessed.
‘Well Gordon, it seems your fears were unfounded. The prime minister doesn’t intend to have the Indonesian funding in the legislation after all, so your conspiracy is without foundation. And even if he did include it, as he explained, it is fully accounted for, so no conspiracy. Stop worrying.’ Bagshaw softly smiled. ‘And Gordon, in just five more days it will all be over for you. You can go fishing then, literally.’
Gordon, still uncertain, lingered. ‘Anything else, Gordon?’
‘No, Madam Speaker.’
‘Mr Messenger, this is the clerk.’ Barton was at his desk reading the morning papers when he took the call. ‘Are you able to help me?’
‘If I can, I will, Mr O’Brien, what is it?’
‘This agreement Mr Harper has just signed, is it something that was discussed with you over the weekend?’
‘What agreement?’
‘The agreement signed between the government and the opposition not to call, or force, any formal votes in the parliament this week. Is that something you have thought through?’
‘What are you talking about, Gordon?’
‘Go see your boss, laddie.’
Barton replaced the receiver after the sudden click and, as he did, it instantaneously rang. ‘Hello?’
‘What the fuck has that dickhead done?’ It was the deputy leader of the opposition, Wilson Campbell – his vocabulary was unmistakable.
‘I’m not sure I know. What’s he done?’
‘He’s gone and fucked us, that’s what. You don’t know?’
‘Christ, will someone just tell me.’
‘Fucking Harper has agreed we will all be good girls and boys this week, and not take a division.’
‘On what?’
‘On everything!’
‘He’s what?’ Barton shoved back his chair and stood.
‘Tell me you at least knew. Tell me he hasn’t done this on his own. Tell me he is not a megalomaniacal dropkick!’
‘Wilson, I can’t tell you a thing. Look, let’s get over to Jim’s office and sort it out. Grab Pete on the way will you, and I’ll grab Christopher.’
‘See you in ten.’
Barton hung up, but before he could move it rang again. ‘Hello?’
‘Bart, what’s going on?’ Anita seemed more concerned than perplexed. ‘Are you okay?’
‘I don’t know. I have to go. I’ll talk to you later.’
As Barton prepared to leave his office he stopped to speak to his staffer, who was eating a toasted sandwich. ‘Trust no-one, Julia. Sadly that’s the number one rule of politics. I’m off to the leader’s office for a powwow with the leadership team. I’ll let you know if I get held up. Hey, nice hair, looks great.’
‘Thanks,’ Julia mumbled around a mouthful of food.
Barton scuttled down the nearest stairwell and hurried along a green-carpeted corridor. He burst through the office door of Christopher Hughes, the shadow minister for industry, and strode through the anteroom into his office. ‘Chris, what’s going on?’
‘Not sure. I just saw it on Sky, not sure what he’s thinking.’
‘What happened?’
‘The boss just signed an agreement with Gerrard not to have any formal votes in the house for the week. The government has moved into caretaker mode, and it seems we will pass the Appropriation Bill for the stimulus package, sight unseen.’
‘Did he talk to you about it?’
‘He never talks to me; the bastard always thinks I want his job.’
Hughes was first elected to the parliament seventeen years ago, identified then as a future leader. His seat of Warringah on the prosperous north shore of Sydney was normally reserved for future leaders.
‘We’re meeting with Will and Pete in his office now, let’s go.’ Barton was the junior member of the leadership group, which consisted of the leader, James Harper; his deputy, Wilson Campbell; Christopher Hughes; and Peter Stanley, the long-time member for Curtin, in Western Australia. Together they formed a tight collective of senior opposition MPs developing strategy and determining policy. Added to this group was their senate leader, Joe Anthony, from Queensland. ‘I didn’t see the stunt. Did he say anything?’
‘No, he just stood there, sort of smiling that goofy smile of his.’
The pair almost ran along the corridor past the entrance to the House of Representatives and the speaker’s office suite, turned right into a long corridor past the whip’s office, and finally around two corners to the entrance to the opposition leader’s office suite. A staffer sat at the front desk. Without any pleasantries or courtesies, the two opened the door and stepped into Harper’s empty office. The staffer followed them in and advised them that the leader was on his way from the ministerial wing. As the staffer left, Campbell and Stanley arrived.
They stood before Harper’s desk dumbfounded, feeling a mix of incredulity, disappointment and wonder, but mostly anger. They waited, knowing that if one spoke they all would.
It wasn’t long before Harper arrived. After what he had just been through with the prime minister, he seemed to be expecting them. ‘I thought I’d see you here. Morning, chaps. Is Joe joining us?’
‘He could.’ Campbell, the senior and Harper’s deputy spoke first. ‘What do you think you are fucking doing?’
‘Would anyone like a cup of tea? I’m going to have one.’ He looked toward the staffer at the door. ‘Could you also manage a biscuit please, Michael. Anyone else?’ They remained silent and the staffer left with the order.
‘Please sit down, you’re making me feel uncomfortable standing there like that.’ Harper took his seat beside the lounge, and beckoned the others to follow. They didn’t. ‘Now, what seems to be so important for all of you to be here?’
‘I can’t believe you,’ Campbell began calmly, keeping his volatile temperament in check. ‘We are either part of team, or we aren’t. Why are you making agreements with Gerrard, without first consulting your fucking leadership group?’
‘Anyone else have a comment, before I answer?’
‘Jim, we are either in this together or we are not,’ Stanley, the respected sage among them, said. Mooted as the rising star when he first entered the parliament twenty-nine years ago, he served for a short time in the ministry, in a junior portfolio, before the election that brought Gerrard to power. Now he provided guidance and advice to those with the enthusiasm and energy he no longer possessed. ‘It seems you have made an announcement that is contrary to the protocols within our group, the very protocols you insisted upon having, I might add. We are here for an explanation, which I am sure will be worthy. And we seek your reassurance that we are not now running a leader-only system of decision-making.’
Barton and Hughes remained mute, satisfied with the opening statements. One angry, one balanced.
‘Christopher? Want to say anything?’
‘Leader, we are here to support you, but we need to know why you have taken us down this route.’
‘Christ almighty, Jimmy, what the fuck were you thinking?’ Campbell expressed himself with his usual vivid turn of phrase.
‘Well, it’s very simple really, I had no alternative. Please, sit down.’
Barton and Hughes took a seat on the lounge and Stanley wandered behind, arms crossed. Campbell paced the floor behind Harper. ‘Gerrard rang me at six this morning, and asked me to see him at seven for a brief meeting.’
‘So, what was discussed
?’ demanded Campbell.
Harper ignored him. ‘Not thinking much of it, I went to see him and he had breakfast prepared for me, with his other guests – the governor-general; the speaker; Sheldon, the head of prime minister and cabinet; and Tony Hancock had come in from Sydney on his private jet. When I saw them I knew something was up.’
‘Why was Hancock even there?’ Barton asked.
‘A witness from the media,’ responded Stanley. ‘Plus, he’s a mate of Gerrard’s.’
‘Well, fuck me.’ Campbell, could not contain himself.
‘That’s exactly how I felt, Wilson, and sure enough I was.’ Harper guffawed until he coughed.
‘What did they want?’ Stanley asked.
‘It was more what Gerrard wanted. I’m fairly sure the others were not in on the purpose of the meeting before they arrived, although I am not so sure about Hancock.’
‘Well, he is the biggest media proprietor. He would have been there to provide the illusion of transparency, I suppose,’ suggested Hughes.
‘Exactly.’ Harper was calm as he explained the morning’s events. ‘Gerrard outlined the plans for a minority government until the by-elections, which basically meant he agreed to virtual caretaker mode, doing nothing controversial until we see the result of the by-elections. Anyway, the governor-general approved of this arrangement – she told us she had sought advice from the crown solicitor and the chief justice last week when it became apparent the parliament would sit this week. The advice from those eminent folks was basically that the government was in a weakened state due to its loss of numbers caused by the recent tragic deaths, and that by-elections may or may not change the state of the parliament. Therefore, to ensure propriety and allow government to continue to do its work, we should move into caretaker mode.’
‘Seems reasonable,’ Stanley said.
Deceit Page 12
