‘You’re kidding me. Oh shit, the paper is already printed!’
‘Look, I just rang to let you know we are going into a party meeting. In fact, I’m just walking in now.’ Messenger was holding the door open for colleagues as the stragglers wandered in, some looking a bit worse for wear at such late notice, and from perhaps a little too much wine. ‘Can I call you later? You may want to know what we decide.’
‘Of course. Let me know any news, no matter how late.’
The whips had advised that the party meeting would be convened for midnight. Harper was already at the leader’s table at the front of the room, with Wilson Campbell, his deputy, beside him. Senators and members had slowly assembled in their usual places.
As the clock indicated midnight, the leader stood to outline the issues before the meeting.
‘Colleagues, tonight in the senate, if you have not already heard, the government, with the support of the Greens, amended the Appropriation Bill to include the budget allocation for the immigration centres in Indonesia, and in accordance with our agreement with the government we did not vote against the amended legislation.’ Harper then asked Joe Anthony to explain the process that was followed in the senate earlier.
Senator Anthony stood at his place and explained that the moving of the amendment had come as a total surprise to him. He explained that they used procedural motions to try and gag debate, but the Greens were supporting the government. ‘When the motion was finally moved, the Greens supported it, and it took less than five minutes to get it passed. No debate. No questions.’ Anthony looked tense and angry. ‘When the legislation was called to a final vote, we did not vote against it in accordance with the agreement Jim had signed with the government, but I feel as if we have been set up. The government told me they wanted to move it to committee, but once it was past eight o’clock, their tactics suddenly changed.’
There were no questions of Anthony, but an incredulous ripple of whispering passed through the room among his colleagues.
‘We now have to determine what our stance will be on the legislation when it returns to the house tomorrow.’ Harper was on his feet. ‘As you know, I agreed to allow all legislation through the parliament on the voices without the need for a division.’
‘That was a mistake.’ A voice, Tilley’s, came thundering from the back. A third-generation politician of a northern Queensland rural family who had served the federal and state parliaments for more than ninety years, Bob Tilley III was loud and often rambunctious in his views – and no different from his father or grandfather, or even his highly respected great grandfather. The family’s passion and their politics always put the electorate of Kennedy first – stuff the rest of the nation – but Tilley’s comment did draw a few nods of agreement, which were not lost on Harper.
‘Hindsight is a marvellous thing, junior,’ remarked Harper. ‘Now we are in a very different political position to the conditions we faced at the start of the week. We have to make a decision to either approve or reject the legislation when it hits the house tomorrow.’
‘Why are we doing this so late at night, couldn’t we meet in the morning?’ asked Charlie Edmunds, the member for Ryan.
As leader of opposition business, Messenger stood to answer the question. ‘Tomorrow morning will be too late. I cannot guarantee when the government will bring it on, no matter what the notice paper says.’ Messenger paused and looked to Harper. ‘And we need to decide what we are planning to do in the parliament so the leader can face the early morning media with confidence.’
‘Peter Stanley.’ Harper called on his friend to speak first. Hands immediately shot up from all over the room, indicating a wish to speak. Harper noted the names on a pad in order. He would then mark each name either for or against the intention to approve the legislation. The party rarely took a vote among its members on any issue other than leadership positions. It was the leader’s prerogative to read the mood of the meeting, and decide on behalf of the party. And so the business of listening to all the members and senators speak began.
‘Thank you, leader.’ Stanley needed to nail this speech to ensure the room would support Harper. ‘Colleagues, at first this news was overwhelming. I cannot understand what compelled the government to pass this legislation. Their haste and timing, ignoring the protocols of the parliament, leads me to think that there is more to this legislation than meets the eye. My first reaction is to vote against it.’
‘Hear, hear.’ A strong response from the room followed his statement.
‘But … with my political strategy hat on, I am wary of the outcome if we do reject the bill.’
‘Such as?’ Tilley, never silent, demanded.
‘If we reject this legislation, we reject the stimulus money, which the punters are expecting for Christmas. We say to the electorate that we don’t care about them and their needs. We say to the electorate that we don’t want them to have a happy Christmas. We say to the electorate that when it comes to the by-elections in February, we do not care what they think and we are taking them for granted. If we do that, we say to our supporters that they can wait a few more years before we win government.
‘The tragic deaths of our colleagues has placed us in an invidious position. If we retain our own seats and win two of the government’s, we can take government without having to face a general election. Is that not an outcome we would want? Colleagues, we are so close, I can smell the scent of victory, and government is the prize.
‘But, if we were to vote against this legislation, then I contend we will not win the hearts and minds of those voters who need to change their votes to support us at those by-elections. I suspect we will be relegated to second place once again, and we will have to face Gerrard’s sanctimonious pronouncements for two more years. I, for one, do not look forward to that prospect.
‘If we are to reject the amended legislation, then let us do it knowing the dire consequences to our support in the electorate. I therefore vote for agreeing to the legislation.’ Stanley received enough applause to suggest he had achieved what Harper had asked of him.
‘Christopher Hughes,’ Harper said as he added more colleagues to the expanding list of speakers.
‘Thank you, leader.’ Hughes was ready for this opportunity to mount a strong argument to change the dynamics of the party. ‘I hate Gerrard. I truly hate him. Hate can be a wasted emotion in politics, but nevertheless, if there is one person that I loathe it is Andrew bloody Gerrard.’
‘Hear, hear.’
‘I smell a rat. I smell a stinking rat, which means there is something afoot with Gerrard and his band of crooks and we do not yet know the full details. What is even worse, that rat Gerrard has used the death of our friends to put us on the back foot.’
‘Hear, hear.’
‘I have many questions over this legislation. Why did they deliberately mislead us by taking the funding for the immigration centres out of the legislative program last week? Why then did they sneak it back in during the senate debate away from the scrutiny of a second reading in the house? Why has the senate broken with convention by amending a money bill? Barton Messenger believes there is skulduggery afoot, and I agree with him.
‘Barton thinks Gerrard is about to resign and skip the country with funds syphoned off from these Indonesian funds, and I tend to agree with this outrageous idea. I wouldn’t put it past Gerrard to have concocted some deal with his mate from Indonesia. Why the secrecy and this manoeuvre in the senate unless there was something going on? Apparently, Margaret Gerrard is off to Zurich in the morning. What for? Is it to do some banking?
‘For these reasons alone we must reject the legislation. I agree with Barton, I think there is double dealing going on and if there is doubt on issues like this, then we must remain true to our liberal beliefs and values. Let us take the hit in the electorate, and vote against this legislation. We cannot be seen to be weak, and now is the time to stand up to the government. We have the numbers, let’s use them.’
‘Wilson Campbell.’
‘Thank you, leader.’ Campbell wanted to vote against the legislation, but valued his role as deputy leader too much to speak against Harper. ‘Colleagues, we must remember the funding for the immigration centres is part of our policy. We have agreed to fund them. We have committed to that policy. Should we be elected to government next February, then our government would continue to fund the centres, so to suggest we now vote against them is just plain silly, and we will be pilloried in the media for this policy backflip.
‘The punters are looking forward to their cash handout, especially so close to Christmas, and they will punish us everywhere if we do not allow them their money – not just at the by-elections. I can tell you this; they will never forget it, or forgive us. We may never see the government benches again for at least another election cycle, maybe more, if we reject this bill.
‘I hate Gerrard, but I am also pragmatic. We have agreed to the Indonesian funding, the punters deserve a boost at Christmas, and it will only hurt us if we challenge this. I will, therefore, vote for supporting the amended legislation.’
Over the next ninety minutes, member after member stood to express their feelings and opinions about tactics and strategy. Arguments were put that Gerrard was disliked by the electorate, and now was the time to politically strike. Others observed they had no option but to support the amended legislation otherwise the media would blame them for cancelling the Christmas bonus. A level of tension over the opposing views grew as the party room was split in its opinion. It would come down to the leader’s call.
When the last speaker listed had submitted her view, it was two o’clock.
‘Colleagues, thank you all for your contributions.’ Harper had considered the mood of the room. ‘I must say, there were strong arguments for and against agreeing to the government’s legislation. I am of the view that we have committed to three fundamental things.
‘We have already agreed to the stimulus money for the electorate, and therefore we are obliged to pass the legislation tomorrow so they can get it before Christmas. Second, we have also put into our policy the funding for the Indonesian immigration detention centres, and we would be treated very harshly by the media, and no doubt the electorate, if we were now to say we didn’t support the funding. Illegal immigration is one of the hottest topics in the electorate right now, so if we say no, then I am absolutely positive we will live to regret it.
‘Third, we agreed earlier this week not to go to a division to force a vote, and although this was unexpectedly imposed upon us by the government, I would consider breaking that agreement. No matter how shonky the legislation may be, it would result in political damage, possibly for many years to come.
‘I have determined the mood of the party room, which is never easy because you all have valid views. With all those things in mind, I therefore declare that we will support the legislation.’
The politicians had been expecting this announcement from the leader and some had begun to saunter toward the door.
‘Vote!’
‘What?’ Harper was bewildered by the demand.
‘According to party rules, if a vote is called for, then a vote must be taken.’ Tilley was now on his feet. ‘And, as I am requesting the vote, I also request a secret ballot.’
‘You have got to be kidding, Bob.’ Stanley was on his feet immediately, understanding the political implications of a vote. ‘You understand what you are asking?’
‘Yes, of course I do, I want a ballot.’
Stanley quickly marched to the leader’s table and Messenger joined them.
‘Don’t do it,’ Stanley said. ‘Stick to your guns.’
‘What harm would it do if we were to have a vote?’ Harper replied.
‘If you agree to a ballot, and lose it, then you lose your leadership. This is virtually a vote on your leadership, don’t do it.’ Harper drew back thinking about the implications of Stanley’s advice. ‘Jim, if you lose the vote now, you lose everything.’
Stanley had quickly grasped the politics – Harper had announced the party’s strategy to vote for the amended appropriation legislation with the added Indonesian money, if the party room then voted against his decision, he had no option other than to resign his position as leader, as the party would clearly have lost confidence in its leader.
‘Look, by my reckoning the vote was close, but it favoured supporting the legislation,’ Harper said.
‘My advice is not to do it,’ said Messenger. ‘I suspect Tilley doesn’t fully understand the implications of a vote, so let me talk to him and explain the implications if we vote on this. Call a short adjournment so I can explain.’
‘Hmm, it seems we have a little problem.’ Harper was steely in his response. ‘The trouble with many leaders of today is that they have to lead. They can only ever lead if they have followers, so now I am faced with a leader’s paradox … take a vote and perhaps kill my leadership, or not take a vote and lose the perception of leadership in the electorate anyway. If I say no to a ballot, then I’m finished anyway, so let’s do it.’
‘Courageous, but stupid, Jim,’ said Messenger. Stanley had already moved away.
‘Whips, prepare a ballot,’ Messenger announced. ‘Simple question: do you support the leader’s decision? If so, write yes on your ballot paper. Write no if you do not support the leader.’
The whips quickly set about distributing the yellow ballot papers and preparing the wooden boxes for members and senators to cast their ballot. The chief whip scurried off to his office to put a message on the parliamentary pager system to ensure all members and senators, including those who might have left the party room, knew there was a vote taking place with closure of the ballot in five minutes.
‘So, what do we do if he loses?’ Messenger asked Stanley.
‘He has no alternative other than to step down, and we elect a new leader,’ Stanley replied. ‘This is very risky for him, but we should be okay.’
‘Who steps up if he loses?’ Messenger asked.
‘I suspect Wilson would be the obvious choice.’
‘Let’s hope Jim gets up.’
‘Go and scout for comments, and try to remind them of the importance of their vote. Tell them not to be frivolous, as we may have to change the leader if they are, and it’s not a good look.’
Messenger went first to Hughes.
‘Although I remain firmly against the idea of voting for the legislation, I know what to do. There is no way I am voting for a change of leader, so I will put a yes vote in,’ confirmed Hughes.
Messenger then moved around the room talking to individuals and groups, asking for the views of his colleagues. To obfuscate when asked about one’s voting intention would consign a politician to the do not trust file, and no politician ever wanted to be sidelined. This brought a sense of control to the political process.
‘It’ll be close,’ Messenger reported to Stanley. ‘If it goes the other way, we should talk about tactics to get the leader we want.’
‘We’ll call for nominations as usual and take the vote. No dramas,’ Stanley said.
‘Yes, but who will nominate? We don’t need Wilson as leader. Nice bloke and all, but he won’t win us an election.’
‘Let’s hope we don’t have that dilemma. If we do have to vote for a new leader, why don’t you put your hand up for deputy?’
Messenger was astounded by the comment and didn’t know if Stanley was serious or joking. He occasionally considered leading the party, as most politicians in safe seats do, but he never seriously contemplated his career ever being good enough to result in his being elected leader by his colleagues.
‘I could never do it,’ Messenger finally offered.
‘Well, you may have to consider it, if someone nominates you.’
Messenger sat back in his chair to wait for the close of the ballot and the count, pondering what he had just been told by his mentor. He resolved to reject any nomination, if it came to
him.
The chief whip closed the ballot then retired to an office opposite the party room with the other whips to count the vote. It was fifteen minutes after two in the morning.
After a further ten minutes, the chief whip Hayden Charlton made his way to the front of the room. A former air force squadron leader, he retained his military bearing as he stood before his colleagues, his expression giving nothing away. ‘In the vote to determine if we support the leader’s decision to support the Appropriation Bill, the results were … Ayes: fifty-one.’
Messenger breathed a sigh of relief. He knew it would be close, but not that close. There would have been a couple of abstentions and informal votes, and perhaps a member or two would not have returned to the party room. There was never an even vote on the numbers, so that was a good result for the leader. Not a strong supportive vote, but fifty-one votes was good enough. Harper had scraped through.
‘Noes: fifty-two.’
‘Christ, what’s happened? Quickly, come in.’
Messenger didn’t look well, tie askew, shirt partly untucked, hair dishevelled, in fact he looked on the brink of an emotional collapse.
‘I just need someone to hug right now.’ He fell into her arms.
Anita welcomed it, not a romantic embrace, more a healing hug for this troubled man. He said nothing, did nothing. He just needed a hug.
‘Bart, tell me, what’s happened?’ Anita pulled back and cupped his face.
‘What have we done?’ A tear spilled from his eye.
‘Tell me, what’s happened?’
‘I’m the new deputy leader.’
CHAPTER EIGHTEEN
THURSDAY 6.35 AM
‘For those just waking to the news of the hour, we have a new leader of the opposition.’ Distinguished journalist Tanya Maklin introduced the next segment on the Hawthorne Broadcasting Network’s Breakfast Show. ‘In what can only be described as the night of the long knives, James Harper was dumped as leader of the opposition early this morning in a hastily arranged party meeting that went late into the night. Harper had lost the confidence of his party after a dreadful day in the parliament yesterday. Sources suggest there was a late-night meeting called to debate the government’s Christmas bonus legislation, which was amended and subsequently passed by the senate late last night. The opposition had taken a vote to determine their position on the Christmas bonus for every Australian, and Mr Harper’s position was rejected by one vote. A new leader was then called upon.’ Tanya was speaking straight to camera without a teleprompter. ‘We have the new opposition leader in our Canberra studio. Good morning, Mr Stanley.’
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