The Oxford Handbook of the Phoenician and Punic Mediterranean

by Carolina Lopez-Ruiz

  On the Graveyard

  Once in the necropolis, other rituals were enacted. Differences can be discerned between incineration and inhumation. In primary cremations, such as those attested, for instance, in Palermo (Spatafora 2010: 25), the deceased was put inside the pit on a kind of bed made of wood or was wrapped in cloth before the cremation proceeded. Similarly, in an archaic cremation pit from Cádiz, two quadrangular pieces of ivory have been found in the two ends of the pit, precisely on top of two holes, possibly indicating the existence of some bedlike wooden structure to cremate the corpse (Saez Romero and Belizón Aragón 2014: 194). In some cases, the intense fire was extinguished fast, probably with water, as shown by the high density of the charcoal and the preservation of some cremated trunks found, for instance, in Monte Sirai and in the archaic necropolis of Cádiz (Guirguis 2010; Sáez Romero and Belizón Aragón 2014). In other cases, the combustion took place slowly: this is the situation for incinerations from the plot of Tolosa Latour in Cádiz, dated to the fifth century bce. Two urns contained bones burned at temperatures that reached 600º C. The cremation took place with the corpse in supine position (i.e., on its back), with the pyre placed on top, hence the intensity of the cremation was higher in the front of the body, whereas it was less intense at the back (Macías López 2010: 538). In Al-Bass, the intensity of the combustion temperature was medium to high, achieving high-intensity temperatures several times up to 900º C (Trellisó 2014: 455, 470).

  Unfortunately, ustrina (i.e., the place where the burning was done) have been scarcely documented—for instance, at Achziv (Israel), in use between the tenth and the sixth centuries bce (Mazar 2009–2010). But osteoarchaeological analysis at Al-Bass indicates that cremation was undertaken shortly after death (Trellisó 2014: 455). After cremation, bones were manipulated, washed and separated from the ashes, and even smashed before they were deposited in urns. Evidence of this manipulation comes, for instance, from Puig des Molins (Fernández and Costa 2004: 363; Fernández and Mezquida 2010: 514–15), and from Al-Bass, where double-urn graves imply a careful sifting of the remains in order to separate them from the ashes. In this case, one urn contained the blackened bones with the personal possessions and the other had the ashes of the deceased (Trellisó 2014: 453). Interestingly, in the Phoenician necropolis of Hoya de los Rastros (Ayamonte, Spain), dated between the eighth and the seventh centuries bce, the cremated bones of two urns have been arranged following the anatomical order—that is, the bones of the feet are in the base, then the bones of the extremities and the remains of the cranium are at the top of the container (García Teyssandier et al. 2016: 522).

  Charcoal analysis indicates the use of a wide variety of tree species in cremation rituals: in Al-Bass, species which burn rapidly were combined with other more aromatic ones: olive, pine, or lime trees (i.e., Linden trees) combined with oak trees to maintain and spread fire (Aubet 2014). Almond and plum trees have been identified in Palermo, and plum, pine, and cherry trees feature in the samples of Puig des Molins. Interestingly, the analyses undertaken of Al-Bass cinerary urns have brought to light remains of burnt small fish, birds, ovicaprines, and bovines mixed in with the burnt human bones and small fragments of pottery. Moreover, chemical analyses have demonstrated that these animals were already cooked before they were deposited in the pyre. This is most likely evidence for the performance of feasts at the necropolis itself on the occasion of cremation (Aubet 2014: 605).

  Moving to inhumation, remains of metal and ivory pins might account for wooden coffins, such as recorded in Tharros and Palermo (Fariselli 2006; Spatafora 2010). Luckily, some of them have been preserved—for example, tomb number 7 from Tharros and several from Lilybeum, where coffins were covered with plaster (Fariselli 2006: 362). Equally, tomb number 11 of Sulky contains an extremely well preserved sarcophagus representing a winged being decorated with red, blue, and green motifs; in addition, the coffin was possibly laid on a stone structure in order to elevate it from the ground. In Carthage and Kerkouane, these findings have been linked to elite burials (Bernardini 2005: 74). A high-status coffin has also been identified in the Casa del Obispo tomb. The chemical analysis on wood remains proves the existence of conifer plants, especially the Podocarpaceae, a family of mostly southern species located in the forests of Sudan and Ethiopia, indicating the luxury and wealth of the tomb (Gener Basallote et al. 2014: 136).

  Rituals of Smell and Taste

  Funerary rites involved drinking, eating, and the application of scents. The material evidence suggests the performance of libations and offerings of food, sometimes through sacrificial practices, with both intended to feed the dead one in the afterlife. For instance, the offering of a set of two jugs, a drinking bowl, and sometimes an oil lamp is ubiquitous throughout the Phoenician and Punic necropoleis, both east and west. Although the specific pottery type changes across time and geographical area, the basic funerary set of objects (and presumably their function) is maintained. For instance, in earlier periods, the standard set of grave goods consisted of one trefoil-rimmed jug, one mushroom-lipped one, and a piece of fine ware, usually a red-slip bowl. In turn, additional Greek, Egyptian, Cypriot, and Etruscan objects in Phoenician and Punic tombs suggest wider Mediterranean connections. To give one example, in the necropolis of Palermo, some incinerations feature a trefoil and a mushroom jug together with a local handmade cooking pot, called a pignatta; a Greek drinking vessel; and aryballoi or alabastra of different origins (Spatafora 2010: 25–26).

  It is supposed that the jugs contained fermented liquids, such as wine, beer, and hydromel (a fermented mixture of honey and water), as well as perfumed oils. In fact, the trefoil-rimmed jug has a lip designed for pouring liquids, while the mushroom-rimmed jug’s wide opening is particularly appropriate for use of anointing oils. In turn, the wine might have had a special role in funerals, as suggested by amphorae and kraterae (mixing bowls) used as cinerary urns, found, for instance, in Sardinia (San Giorgio, Sulky, Monte Sirai) and Lebanon (Al-Bass) (Bernardini 2004: 132; Bartoloni 2015: 47). At any rate, these vessels might have had important symbolic dimensions in the funerary rituals, and the mouths of some jugs were closed with fragments of pottery to protect their contents, as in Al-Bass (Aubet 2014: 602). The decorations could also be symbolic; for instance, the ostrich-eggshell containers at Villaricos were decorated with a metope-like pattern of birds, possibly roosters. The same type of bird (rooster?) also appeared in the wall paintings of the hypogeum VIII of Jbel Mezza, dated to the fourth century bce (Pappa 2015: 122; Benichou Safar 1982). Perfumes and oils, moreover, would have been used in purification and cremation rites. Oil bottles, oil lamps, and incense burners were placed also alongside the dead in the tomb. Burning oils or perfumes created fragrant smoke and brought light and heat to the dead. The scented smoke traveled through the air, so it might have been considered one of the elements that went along with the deceased to the afterlife. Furthermore, lighting the tombs, especially hypogea, would have been necessary so as to deposit the corpse. In fact, bottles or oil lamps have been discovered along the corridors and stairs of the tombs in Sardinian necropoleis and at Puente del Noy (Spain), dated to between the second half of the seventh and the first centuries bce (Molina et al. 1982: 25–26; Guirguis 2010: 38).

  Regarding the offering of solid foodstuffs, the archaeological data are rich and varied. The faunal remains clearly show that sometimes animals were offered already cooked, whereas on other occasions the animal has been found intact and in some connection with the deceased. For instance, in the Palermo necropolis, a whole ovicaprine was deposited on the floor of tomb number 119, whereas in other cremations, the remains of diverse cooked fauna have been identified (Spatafora 2010: 29). Equally, in Puente del Noy (Almuñécar), the remains of a goat have been identified as lying close to the deceased’s feet (Jimenez Flores 2002: 236). The evidence confirms a close connection between food staples and offerings in the grave. For example, fish and molluscs have been found in several Phoenician and Punic cemeteries,
as these were types of foods consumed in coastal areas (Niveau de Villedary 2009: 215–35). The existence of cooking pots as funerary offerings in some cemeteries of Sicily, Sardinia, and Carthage also reflects the consumption of dishes such as porridge, mirroring regional daily practices (Delgado and Ferrer 2007: 52–53). Faunal and seed analyses have demonstrated the offering of and possibly consumption of pomegranates, figs, nuts, honey, eggs, and meat (lamb, goat, beef, venison, pork, and dog; Niveau de Villedary 2009: 233). Among fowl, roosters and chicken were the most commonly consumed, possibly because in the Phoenician-Punic eschatology they represent the soul and its resurrection, as recorded in Villaricos (Jiménez Flores 2002: 280). Two birds (a partridge and a pigeon) were deposited in the niches of tomb number 7 at Sulky, and bird eggs were found on the floor (Bernardini 2005: 78–79). Scholars have related the offering of eggs to ideas of fecundity and regeneration, which may have also been significant features in the transition of the dead to the afterlife.

  Other rituals involving fire were carried out on the small stone altars found, for instance, in Palermo’s cemetery and in Lilybeum, and also depicted on stelae from Sardinia and Sicily (Spatafora 2010: 30). Ritual scented bonfires outside tombs have been clearly recorded in Al-Bass and Puig des Molins. At the Lebanese site, remains of olive, lime/Linden, and pine wood have been identified (Aubet 2014: 604). In Puig des Molins, a concentration of charred soil together with fragments of a bowl and an aryballos have been interpreted along the same lines—that is, as the remains of purification bonfires (Gómez Bellard et al. 1990: 75–77).

  Funerary Feasting

  Funerary feasts were widespread across the Phoenician and the Punic Mediterranean. Material culture—pottery and bioarchaeological data—and literary and epigraphic sources have shed light on this aspect of the funerary ritual. Arrian (Lib. 84, 89) explains how the Carthaginians offered sacrifices on top of tombs (Ribichini 1987), and the banquet commemorating the dead, recorded as mrz/marzeah in Ugaritic texts, was known in the western Mediterranean, according to inscriptions dated to the fourth and third centuries bce. Funerary banquets consisted of sacrifices of domestic animals and their consumption, as well as the drinking of alcoholic beverages, most probably wine. Feasts involved specific preparations: altars were decorated with cloths, bands, and flowers, and the victim was cleaned and fed. Once the animal was sacrificed, officiants put its head on an altar and burned incense while reciting prayers. Next came the distribution of meat among the participants and its consumption. The quantity of meat offered and consumed has been interpreted as a way of assessing inheritance—the more of it consumed, the more goods the deceased’s heir has received (Aubet 2014). Finally, any remains of the banquet were purposely “killed” by smashing them or burying them in ritualized depositions (Lipinski 1993).

  This rather general, stereotypical description of a funerary feast glosses over what was a heterogeneous and complex panorama, nuanced by the archaeological data. In Al-Bass, the remains of broken pottery and the bones of adult bovines and ovicaprids have been found atop the tombs and in their surrounding areas. Analyses conducted on the bone remains have shown a selection of the tastiest parts (Aubet 2014: 608). In the Punic cemeteries of Cádiz, the material remains of feasts were documented in wells, following a specific ritual; that is, the pottery and foodstuffs (meat, fish, and molluscs) were separated in different layers of sand (Niveau de Villedary 2009). Also, it is likely that the food was prepared in the cemeteries themselves, as revealed by traces of bonfires, cooking pottery, fragments of tannur (open ovens), and braziers (Niveau de Villedary 2009; Gener Basallote et al. 2014: 147).

  At the funeral ceremonies, food and beverages were used to keep the living and the dead together; that is, a commemoration of fraternity took place, with a sharing of the same flavors, so that specific tastes were associated with these events and contributed to the creation of shared memories while also reinforcing communal and genealogical ties. Foods and beverages, thus, allowed an exploration of the materiality of emotions and feelings, because the incorporation of certain products could activate particular ways of remembering the deceased and his or her past relationships with the living (Hamilakis 2013).

  Ancestor Cults

  It is difficult to distinguish the time lapse between the burial and the communal feasting, but it seems clear that funerary feasts were held repeatedly as part of “ancestor cults.” Indeed, these cults were essential for the creation of memory. Performing rituals on previous burials meant that the living remained connected to the past through their ancestors and, as consequence, these rituals legitimated their position in the community. It can be stated that all funerary rituals were the necessary initial steps for transforming the social body, the corpse, into ancestors, or rephaim. During the Bronze Age, the rephaim were deceased with special status, connected to the royal families. This is the case of the Tabnit sarcophagus and Eshmunazar sarcophagus from Sidon, dated to the Persian Hellenistic period (Dixon 2013: 200). In contrast, for the Phoenicians this word RP’M referred to dead people in general (Ribichini 1987: 150). Interestingly, it is likely that the cult of the rephaim in the western Mediterranean might have kept the original features of the Levant in late chronologies. This is the case of the neo-Punic-Latin inscription of El-Amrouni, dated to the first century ce, which equates the Latin mani with the Punic rephaim (Garbati 2010: 43).

  Careful stratigraphical analyses have revealed that there were visits to tombs to perform rituals of commensality and conviviality, and like the funerary ones, they involved offerings of food and liquids. For instance, at Akhziv, orifices made into the roofs of tombs would have been used for repetitive libations (Mazar 2004: 20) In Monte Sirai, big amphorae placed vertically on the edges of tombs were used as channels to pour liquids periodically during these visits (Guirguis 2010: 38). At Trayamar, many plates have been found around the tombs, with chamber number 4 having more than 150 plates (Niemeyer and Schubart 1975: 89–90), suggesting organized consumption practices.

  Another ritual that perhaps can be interpreted in relation to the appreciation and worshiping of ancestors is the erection of stelae or baetyls on top of the graves. Marking the tombs was a powerful way to commemorate and be linked with the dead. Some of these markings could have been perceived as the deceased person him- or herself. For instance, in the Sardinian necropolis of Sulky, nine pillars were located inside a funerary chamber, representing precisely the number of people buried there (Jiménez Flores 2002: 258–59). Preservation of the memory of the dead was engraved on the stelae as inscriptions of their names but also through an anthropomorphization with engraved faces, as examples from Al-Bass, Mozia, and Carthage show (Sader 2005). The fact that pottery remains have been found in the vicinity of the stelae suggests their relevance as memorials.

  Funerary Rituals as Social Arenas

  Funerals convey several complex social issues. For a start, there might have existed a close relation between, on the one hand, the performance of funerary rituals and repeated ancestor worship, and, on the other hand, the inheritance mechanisms (Aubet 2014: 612–14). Moreover, kinship relations can be traced archaeologically through the reuse of some tombs, involving the reopening of the tomb, with removal or relocation of the former deceased in case of pit graves or simply the introduction of new burials inside the funerary chamber. This practice is attested, for instance, in the hypogea of Puig des Molins and Achziv, which contained several corpses. One hypogeum from the latter cemetery enclosed up to thirty-three adults and nineteen children (Mazar 2004). Groupings of overlaid burials recorded in Al-Bass might have also been proof of family units, in that affiliation is created through the co-location of tombs around an older tomb, presumably that of the person considered the founder ancestor (Aubet 2014: 616). This practice must have been especially important in colonies and settlements abroad, seen as a means for maintaining family or clan roots, which in turn helped legitimate the status and appropriation of territory. In any case, this funerary practice reinforced
the significant role of the family unit in performing properly the funeral and in looking after the deceased.

  Generally speaking, gender was not particularly marked in burial treatment. There are no visible material differences between women and men in terms of their burials or grave goods. Apparently, the only difference was the amount of amulets and jewels. It has been suggested that deceased women wear more amulets than men, but a serious study of this topic has not been conducted so far.

  Regarding age, infant burials present the same features as adult ones, although in some cases there is a larger amount of amulets and vessels with miniatures. Child tombs were not isolated, nor were they separated into specific areas of the necropolis. Rather, they were integrated into the area of the tombs of their relatives, as shown in Palermo, Monte Sirai, or Cádiz (Spatafora 2014: 303; Guirguis and Pla Orquín 2015: 55; Macías López 2010). However, it is worth noting the lack of infant burials (less than twelve years old) in Al-Bass, where clearly there must have existed an age segmentation in the burial area. The presence or absence of infants in cemeteries depends on differing ideas and practices in relation to the status of children as full members of the society—specifically, in terms of citizenship and kinship. Also worth mentioning are the tophets. Regardless of whether tophets are primarily cemeteries or sanctuaries, it is remarkable that they are exclusively the burial sites of children (see chapter 21, this volume).