The Oxford Handbook of the Phoenician and Punic Mediterranean
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The city of Tingi, modern Tangier, tng’ in neo-Punic numismatic inscriptions (Manfredi 1995: 290–94, nn. 131–50), is the main port on the Strait of Gibraltar on the Moroccan side. Antaeus is said to have founded the city (Plin. HN 5.2; Mel. 1.5.26), but Herakles engaged him in combat when he arrived in Libya and took his territory after killing him (Diod. Sic. 4.17.4, 4.27.3). Tingi is mentioned in Hecataeus of Miletus (560–480 bce) as Thinge and in the periplus of Hanno with a Greek name, Thymiaterium (Peripl. 2). Troops were sent from here to fight with Carthage (Sil. Ital. 3.259–60). The necropolis of Marshan is located 450 m northeast of the city and contains more than fifty tombs dug into the rock, one of which has yielded a vase with two handles from the fourth–third centuries bce (Ponsich 1970: 173–76, 175 pl. 58). Tingi was the point of departure of all routes into the interior of Mauretania and it was perhaps the second biggest city in Morocco, with a walled precinct estimated in the Roman era at around 20 hectares (Villaverde Vega 2001: 82–83, fig. 10).
Ksar as-Seger, located at the mouth of the al-Kasar River 35 km from Tangier and 37 km from Ceuta and well protected by a breakwater, could be the “city on the river” mentioned by Pseudo-Scylax (111), identified by a red-slip pottery fragment from the excavations of 1953 (Tarradell Mateu 1960: 125).
Farther east, 15 km from Ceuta, is the Bay of Beliunech or Balyūneš, where the station of “ad Abilem” on the Antonine Itinerary may have been located (Villaverde Vega 2001: 202). This station is located beside the Mons Abyla or Mount Musa, called Abenna by Orosius (1.2.94) and Abinna by Philostratus (VA 5.1). These terms come from ’bn, “rock or rock column” (Lipiński 2004: 423), which corresponds to the Abilic Peninsula of Pseudo-Scylax (111). From this area comes an important set of Punic amphorae (Ramon Torres 2004: 97–103), perhaps belonging to several shipwrecks, one as Tagomago 1, before 425 bce, which transported amphorae of types 11.2.1.3, 11.2.1.4, and 11.2.1.6.
The city of Septem Fratres, the “seven brothers,” is named after seven mountains situated in a row (Mel. 1.5.29) with the same height (Plin. HN 5.18). These mountains originally made up the isthmus of Ceuta (Villaverde Vega 2001: 205, fig. 119) but have now disappeared owing to the growth of the city. The name persists in Sabta, “seven” in Arabic, whence “Ceuta.” The city lies on the isthmus that connects the Almina Peninsula to Mount Hacho, and it forms a good port to the north protected from the east and west winds. Excavation in the plaza of the Cathedral of Ceuta has revealed Phoenician occupation, with a first phase containing temporary cabin structures from 710–650 bce, followed by an urban reform which included a street with wide porticos possibly intended for shops in the second half of the seventh century bce (Villada et al. 2010: 78–79, 201–202, 254–55, figs. 1–2).
Beyond Cape Negro, on the southern shore of the Martil River, lies the site of Sidi Abdselam of Behar, which perhaps once formed a small island connected with the old branch of the Martil (Tarradell Mateu 1960: 88). Excavated in 1951, it exhibits a lower level with residential structures, R1 amphorae, and pottery with red slip from the seventh-sixth centuries bce (López Pardo 1996: 268). Above it is a second Punic level with fish plates without red slip, as well as amphorae (Tarradell Mateu 1960: 88–91).
In the valley of the Martil River, 19 km above the mouth and 5 km by water above Tetuan, is the site of Tamuda, in a region called Suiar, from Essaouira, “walled.” The river was navigable in antiquity (Plin. HN 5.18). The neo-Punic coins contain the inscription tmd‘t (Manfredi 1995: 289–290, nn. 126–30), which in Berber means “marshy area” or “pond” (Villaverde Vega 2001: 581). Although intact Phoenician strata have not been found, the site yielded a bronze fibula of the Acebuchal type and a wine jug with a mushroom-shaped mouth (Tarradell Mateu 1960: 99, fig. 24b) from at least the sixth century bce (López Pardo 1998: 41–42). The explorations of El Khayari (1996: 175–98) found Punic materials from the fourth–third centuries bce.
The next valley to the south is that of the Emsa River, protected by Cape Mazari. Alongside quaternary alluvial deposits of the river, 2 km from the river mouth, at the foot of a small hill, is the site of Emsa-Lal-la Juimaa, excavated in 1952 (Tarradell Mateu 1960: 79–81, fig. 10). Eight houses marked off by a wall date from between the beginning of the third century and the second century bce (Tarradell Mateu 1960: 81–85). This second phase included amphorae (types 11.2.1.3, 12.0.0.0, 8.1.1.2, 8.2.1.1, and 4.2.3.5), also from the central Mediterranean, like 4.2.1.5 and Greco-Italian examples (Kbiri Alaoui 2008: 150, 149, fig. 4). A reexamination of the materials in the museum has also allowed us to identify amphorae of type 10.1.2.1 as Phoenician from the sixth century bce (Kbiri Alaoui 2008: 148, 149, fig. 4), which must correspond to the walls which predate the construction of one of the houses (Tarradell Mateu 1960: 84).
The next river is the Lau, navigable according to Pliny (HN 5.18), where explorations in 1998 discovered the town of Kach Kouch or Dhar el-Mouden, 9 km from the mouth of the river. Excavated in 1992, this is an indigenous settlement of huts with some Phoenician imports from the eighth–sixth centuries bce, such as amphorae, jars with burnished red slip, and urns decorated with painted bands (Bokbot and Onrubia 1995: 222–23). However, this commercial contact may not have begun until the second half of the seventh century bce.
Between Alhucemas and Melilla we encounter the mouth of the Amekram River, the first river to the east of the Nakour. Nearby is Sidi Dris Beach, used by Spanish troops during the Rif War. The site was discovered during an Italo-Moroccan exploration of the coastline between the Nakur (Alhucemas) and Muluya Rivers conducted between 2000 and 2005. Here signs of Phoenician occupation from the sixth century bce are clear, with amphorae of type 10.1.2.1 and Rachgoun 4, plates with red tracing slip, pithoi, urns of the “Cruz del Negro: type with painted decoration, and tripod-mortars (Kbiri Alaoui et al. 2004: 591–97, figs. 5–7). This evidence continues into the Punic era with the presence of amphorae of the Mañá-Pascual A4 type (Kbiri Alaoui et al. 2004: 592, figs. 5/7, 596, figs. 8/5–7).
To the southeast of the great Cape Three Forks we find Rusaddir (Rūš ’Addir), the town known as “the mighty cape” or “imposing cape,” attested ion neo-Punic coins as rš’dr (Manfredi 1995: 289, nn. 124–25). It appears as Rhysaddir oppidum et portus (Plin. HN 5.18) or Russader colonia and Cape Russadi in the Antonine Itinerary (11, 3–4). The town is mentioned in Pseudo-Scylax (111) as Akra megale polis, the city of the great cape. When sailing from Carthage along the African coast, Cape Three Forks or Promuntorium Rusaddir served as a reference point for sailors aiming for the Iberian Peninsula, including routes that went toward Carthago Nova (Liv. 26.41.3). Besides Rusaddir, there likely existed a brackish region in the area today called the Little Sea.
Until quite recently, our knowledge of Melilla has been mostly dependent on excavations done in 1913–1916 of the necropolis of San Lorenzo Hill (second–first centuries bce; Tarradell Mateu 1960: 71–72). Excavations in the Governor’s House, however, begun in 2002 and have reached 4 m in depth. The campaign of 2008 has documented out-of-context materials from Phoenician levels in the lower strata, including various 10.1.2.1 amphorae from the sixth century bce (Aragón Gómez 2010: 75, 74, figs. a, c, y, d). There are other Punic materials (e.g., 11.2.1.3 amphorae) from the end of the fifth century bce, and in the second half of the third century bce also amphorae of type 12.1.1.1 and 8.2.1.1 (Aragón Gómez 2010: 75, 74, fig. b).
At the end of the exploration of the Rif coastline, the site of Bouhout was discovered, on the right shore of the Muluya or Malyane and also navigable according to Pliny (HN 5.18). This site yielded several Phoenician amphorae of type 10.1.2.1 from the sixth century bce and red-slip pottery, with a later occupation exhibiting amphorae of types 11.2.1.3 and 9.1.1.1 (Kbiri Alaoui et al. 2004: 582).
Algeria
The settlement with the oldest Phoenician occupation in Algeria is the small island of Rachgoun, Rūš Šigan, which controls the mouth of the Tafna River, Akra “Cape” according to Pseudo-Scylax (111). The site was excavated by
Vuillemot (1955, 1965). The burials here appear to reflect influences from Tartessian rituals. Pottery was found from several eras, including a SOS Greek amphora from the second half of the seventh century bce (Villard 1960) and type 10.1.2.1 amphorae, along with a type 2.1.1.2 amphora possibly from the central Mediterranean from the sixth century bce (Ramon Torres 1995: 100). The necropolis contains sixty-nine burial tombs, sixteen cremations in “Cruz del Negro” urns, six cremations in pithoi, two cremations in vases a chardon, and nine infant burials. These span from 750 to 575 bce (Torres and Mederos 2010: 366–67).
The reason for the location of the necropolis is the proximity of the indigenous center Siga, Syg’n, 4 km from the mouth of the Tafna River, to which the neo-Punic legend syg must refer (Manfredi 1995: 289n123). This was the Numidian capital of Syphax (Strab. 17.3.9; Plin. HN 5.19). Vuillemot (1965, 1971) suggested that its occupation began during the fifth century bce, when Rūš Šigan was abandoned. The relationship of Siga with the Iberian Peninsula is mentioned by Pliny (HN 5.19), who places it in front of modern Málaga.
Only 11 km away is Mersa Madakh, which controls the mouth of the Madakh River. This site was excavated by Vuillemot (1954), who suggests a chronology beginning in the seventh–sixth centuries bce. It has been identified with the town of Khalka in Pseudo-Scylax (111), perhaps from the Hebrew ḥelqāh “parcel of land” (Lipiński 1992–1993: 307). The site contains two levels, at least in house M: A lower level (destroyed by a fire) contained amphorae from the sixth century bce, such as amphorae of type 10.1.2.1 and a possible red-slip globular urn with twin handles. On top of this level is a higher level also with type 10.1.2.1 amphorae, a one-wick, red-slip lamp, and a jug (Vuillemot 1954), all of which must belong to the end of the seventh century and into the sixth century bce.
Les Andalouses, 25 km from Oran, is a village with an associated necropolis excavated by Pierre Cintas in 1952 and then by Vuillemot, dating from between the end of the fourth century and the second century bce (Vuillemot 1965: 227–47). The site atop the Mingeonnet Cliff contains two lower Phoenician levels, 6 and 5, with amphorae of type 10.1.2.1 (Vuillemot 1965) along with possible central Mediterranean amphorae of type 2.1.1.2 (Ramon Torres 1995: 102) from the end of the seventh century and the first half of the sixth century bce. An inscribed neo-Punic stela was also found there (Vuillemot 1951: 68–69, pl. 4).
Although it is safe to presume a Punic or Numidian presence in Oran, the Portus Divini of the Antonine Itinerary, we lack hard data. Our information is somewhat better for the Itinerary’s Portus Magnus, today Saint Leu, where there is a temple of Saturn from the first century bce and tombs from around the end of the second century bce (Vincent 1953). There is also an island which has since disappeared, Tujisme, near the island of Akion (from Phoenician ‘ky, “place of mooring”) “with a city and a port” in Pseudo-Scylax (111) (Lipiński 1992–1993: 305).
A Punic past is clearer at Cartenna, modern Ténès, mentioned in Pliny (HN 5.20) and the Antonine Itinerary. This toponym appears to contain the Phoenician term qart (“city”) and a Libyan ending in -tn (Lipiński 1992–1993: 303), forming a term similar to Krtn, Cirta. The site of Cartili, modern Iar, 23 km away, is attested epigraphically in the feminine form Cartilia (CIL VIII, 5682, 21.022), which appears to come from qart-‘ili, literally “the city of god” (Lipiński 1992–1993: 303).
Gunigun, modern Sidi Brahim, next to Gourava, is mentioned in Pliny (HN 5.20) and the Antonine Itinerary as Gunugu. It appears on neo-Punic coins as gngn (Manfredi 1995: 287–88, nn. 116–20), probably a Libyan name (Lipiński 1992–1993: 302). Thanks to excavations on its necropolis (mainly third–second centuries bce; Missonnier 1933), it boasts the oldest Algerian Punic occupation besides Mersa Madakh, beginning as it does in the fifth century bce, as attested by Attic pottery and amphorae of types 8.1.3.2 and 7.4.3.1 (Ramon Torres 1995: 102).
Another island site is archaic Iôl, later renamed Iôl Caesarea by Juba II in honor of Augustus (Mel. 1.6.30; Strab. 17.3.12; Plin. HN 5.20), and known today as Cherchel. This name is of Semitic origin, in Hebrew ‘Iy ḥôl, “sandy island” (Lipiński 1992–1993: 301). It is attested in Pseudo-Scylax (111) as Ioúliou akra and on neo-Punic coins as ’y ḥl (Manfredi 1995: 284–87, nn. 101–15). In the first century bce, Iôl was the Mauretanian capital of Bocco II (Solin. 25.16), but the Punic occupation must have started on the small island of Joinville across Iôl in the fifth century bce (Lassus 1960).
Tipasa lies 27 km away, a town also mentioned by Pliny (HN 5.20) and the Antonine Itinerary. Coins attest the Libyan name tp‘tn (Müller 1862: III, 53, nn. 63–65). Excavated first by Cintas, later over a period of fourteen years by Jean Baradez, and finally by Serge Lancel (1982), Greek pottery dates the necropolis to the sixth century bce. Among the amphorae found might be one of type 10.2.2.1 and one from Ibiza of type 8.1.3.2 (Ramon Torres 1995: 103).
Despite its interest, we know little about the island of Icosium, in Arabic named al-Gaza‘ir, “the islands,” modern-day Algiers. The Semitic name ’yksm, “island of owls,” is connected to Hebrew kôs (Lipiński 1992–1993: 299) and appears on neo-Punic coins as ’yksm (Manfredi 1995: 284, nn. 99–100). Solinus (25.17) suggested that the name came from the Greek eíkosi after the twenty companions who accompanied Herakles to found the city, the association of Icosium with Herakles is supported by the neo-Punic currency. The oldest archaeological evidence comes from the third–second centuries bce (Leglay 1966: 13–14), and the city is mentioned by Pliny (HN 5.20) and the Antonine Itinerary (87.3). This could also be the island of Akion “with a city and a port” mentioned by Pseudo-Scylax (111) (Lipiński 2004: 403) from ’ky, “place of mooring.”
On the other side of the Bay of Algiers is Cape Matifou, where Pliny (HN 5.20) and the Antonine Itinerary place Rusguniae, a name of Semitic origin, r‘š gny, connected to the Hebrew gûnî. This term means Cape Francolin (Lipiński 1992–1993: 298), a bird related to the partridge. Stelae dedicated to Saturn were found here, dating to the first and second centuries ce (Leglay 1966: 305, 315–17).
More problematic is the location of Rusubbicari, mentioned by the Antonine Itinerary, which is typically placed 17 km west of Cape Djinet, but not on the cape itself as would be expected from the name containing the Semitic root r‘š (“cape”), as well as possibly bkr (“fig” or “fig tree”) (Lipiński 2004: 402n369). There may have been a settlement in Cissi, also close to Cape Djinet, since a neo-Punic stela found in Cissi (Février 1954) mentions the term kš.
Rusuccuru, modern Dellys, on Cape Bengut, is clearly a Semitic name, containing r‘š “cape” and ‘qr[t] (“town,” with feminine suffix) (Lipiński 1992–1993: 296–97), although the second component could also be from the Libyan-Berber sekkur, “partridge” (Lipiński 2004: 400). Three neo-Punic stelae from the first century bce come from this site, one of them with the sign of Tinnit (Dussaud 1917), which normally indicates the presence of a tophet and a temple to Baal Hammon.
Iomnium, modern Tigzirt, lies 20 km away, a town mentioned in the Antonine Itinerary, possibly from the Semitic terms ’y (“island or promontory”) and ’mn (“firm”) (Lipiński 1992–1993: 296). An inscription found here bears the name of the city (CIL VIII 20.716) and another mentions a god of crops (CIL VIII 20.711), possibly Saturn.
Only 3 km from Tigzirt is Cape Tedless and the acropolis of Taksebt (from the Berber prefix ta- plus Arabic kasbah, “citadel”). This location has been identified as Rusippisir (Lipiński 2004: 398), a name mentioned by the Peutinger Table. It contains the Semitic term r‘š (“cape”) and is interpreted as “Cape Rosemary.” Five neo-Punic stelae from the first century bce and others from the third–second centuries bce were found here, along with urns containing animal remains (Gavault 1897: 123–24, fig. 22.1–4), which points to a temple of Baal Hammon and a tophet (for the tophet, see chapter 21 this volume).
Another possible site without archaeological data is a place called Rusazus by Pliny (HN 5.20), which bears a Semitic name containing r‘š (“cape”) and �
�z (“strong”) (“Cape of the Fort”) and is identified as Cape Corbelin (Lipiński 1992–1993: 294).
A place called Salda, also mentioned by Pliny (HN 5.21) and by Strabo (17.3.12) for its “large port,” has been connected with modern Begaya and the Sída of Pseudo-Scylax (111) (Gsell 1930: 152). However, this text does not mention a port, even though it often does for other sites. This was the eastern limit of the kingdom of Juba II (Strab. 17.3.12). There is only one mention of a neo-Punic stela (Texier 1851–1852: 574).
Sixty kilometers away is a small peninsula known as by Pliny (HN 5.21) and the Antonine Itinerary (39.7) as Igilgili, later Gigel in Arabic. The Semitic name contains ‘iy (“island or peninsula”) and glglt (“skull”) (e.g., Hebrew gulgolet), or possibly gilgal “circle of stones” (Lipiński 1992–1993: 292). The primary excavations have focused on tombs in artificial caves from the fourth–third centuries bce (Alquier and Alquier 1930). Lipiński (2004: 394) suggests that the site may be the Kaukakis of Pseudo-Scylax (111). This region was used as an area of recruitment of mercenaries by the Carthaginians among the towns of the Metagonians, and it was where Hannibal recruited 4,000 soldiers in 219–218 bce (Polyb. 3.33.13). However, the fact that he sent them “simultaneously as hostages and reinforcement” shows that these were independent territories, even if they were tributaries to Carthage. The return of these villagers of the Algerian coast to their homeland after being discharged as mercenaries by Carthage must have been a very important means of acculturation.