by Ian Uys
Boustead had more to say about his American friends heroism on 12 July:
“About two o’clock that afternoon the Bosche guns opened up on a battery position at one end of Dublin Trench. The gunners were fully occupied replying and didn’t notice that some oily waste lying on top of a tarpaulin on the cordite dump had caught fire.
“At this particular moment young Veitch happened to be passing, spotted it immediately and without hesitation went over and pulled the whole blazing tarpaulin off the cordite. Yank then walked on down the trench as if nothing had happened.
“The battery commander had seen him, however, and rushed over to find out who was the kilted soldier who had saved the battery. Yank merely laughed and shrugged his shoulders: ‘Say, that’s nothing.’ He was recommended by the battery commander for an award for his cool and courageous conduct.”
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Arthur Betteridge was appalled by the casualties at Bernafay Wood. Wood.
“On the main sunken road alongside the wood we made a deep German dug-out battalion headquarters. Several casualties occurred at this time. The German gunners knew the territory and were virtually sniping at us with whizzbangs. Lieut Oughterson was killed at Glatz Redoubt. Capt Shenton, our signals officer, was wounded in the foot. Lieut Guest was also wounded. Our casualties were rising significantly.”
Arthur Betteridge was present when his colonel was killed.
“I had brought a message from C Company in the front line, to headquarters at Bernafay Wood. The opening to this dug-out naturally faced the new German front lines. Within seconds of leaving, a salvo of German shells burst a few yards away, knocking me sideways. Two men nearby were killed and one of those shells entered the dug-out I had just left.
“Colonel Jones and an orderly were climbing up the steps at that moment. As the shell exploded, both of them were killed instantly and several in the dug-out wounded and shocked. The body of that popular officer commanding was taken to a nearby cemetery.
“This loss was felt by all ranks of the Scottish. Major Hunt took command until Major D MacLeod arrived from divisional headquarters the next morning. From this day our casualties increased rapidly. New arrivals at the reserve camp in Happy Valley were rushed to the front line to replace wounded and killed.
“I rushed down the dug-out after the explosion and assisted in bringing the colonel’s body to the road where we placed it on a stretcher and covered it with a ground sheet. I took a map of the area from the dead hand of our OC and gave it to Major Hunt. He told me to keep it as he already had one. Major Hunt there and then appointed me as his temporary orderly and signaller.
“I was sent with a message to C Company in the front line and returned to find the major in a trench near headquarters, half buried. Corporal Hockly who was with him was killed and three men of a ration party all badly wounded. The major told me that a shell burst almost in front of him, killing Hockly, who was at the back of him. An astonishing escape.
“I had evidence that day of the several escapes from death “Dolly” Hunt, as he was affectionately known, was to experience. Two privates of the Black Watch regiment were about 20 feet from that shell-burst, and they ran to help the major to his feet. One of them told me the shell burst almost next to the major and it was a miracle he was not blown to pieces.
“A few hours after this incident I had to accompany Major Hunt on a round of the shallow trenches leading to the new front line. Most of these trenches were clearly within sight of German gunners. I tried to get a line back to headquarters through wires which had been run along the trenches. We stopped half a dozen times to do this and were never successful. All lines of communication had been damaged by shell fire.
“It was most noticeable that immediately we left one of these stopping places, a salvo of whizzbangs exploded near the spot we had just left. After the fourth instance, I looked anxiously at the major when my impossible task was done. ‘Yes, Betteridge’, he said, ‘I think it’s time for them to have reloaded their beastly whizzbangs — let’s go.’ He must have been a mind reader because the next salvo arrived immediately we departed. I never met a luckier man, nor a braver one.
“Just at that time our front line was sparsely occupied and the hurriedly dug trench was little more than four feet deep. All of these trenches were dug by hand, the hard way, mostly with entrenching tools, the size of small fire shovels found in firegrates. Believe me, those implements were put to good use when we were ordered to dig ourselves in. We were waiting for orders to continue the attack which had been delayed owing to bad weather.
“While we were out of the line, an ammunition dump next to Glatz Redoubt received a direct hit. Luckily it did not blow up. C Company chaps promptly tore off the covers of the dump camouflage and saved a nasty situation. We learned the brigade had sustained more than a thousand casualties since entering the Somme Battle eight days earlier. Little did we realise that this large number would be trebled during the next six days.
“On 13th we were relieved by the British Middlesex Regiment. These fine fellows and those of the Royal Surrey’s had concentrated at Talus Boise with the 9th Division. Some 550 SA brigade replacements had arrived there from Bordon to replace some of our casualties.
“On reaching the support line we found another dug-out near that in which Col Jones had been killed, had received a direct hit from a heavy shell, blasting the beams of the dug-out and burying all six of the occupants. Only three of the buried men were brought out alive. One of them was a signalling pal of mine, Jim Scott, who was badly crushed. He had a streak of white hair showing through his normally black hair. This was supposed to be biologically impossible at that time, but several of us who knew Jim well, actually saw it.”
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George Warwick and five others were posted to a listening post on the edge of Bernafay, facing Delville Wood.
“We came under machine-gun fire as well as terrific shell fire that was bringing down the trees in the wood. We were relieved by another six men and, on returning to the dug-out, learnt that Colonel F A Jones DSO, our colonel, had been killed in Bernafay Wood …
“On Wednesday, 12 July 1916, the Germans concentrated their artillery on Bernafay Wood. Every square yard was shelled. The entrance of our dug-out was in real danger of being blown in on top of us. At 8 pm Sergeant Bunce took six of us to set us on guard at the listening post. As we emerged from the entrance of the dug-out we raced through the shelling, to be met with rifle and machine-gun fire from the direction of Delville Wood.
“We flung ourselves down and hurried to dig ourselves in with our entrenching tool. I was lucky enough to have a shell-hole to start with. After I had deepened it to my satisfaction, I felt reasonably safe from rifle and machine-gun bullets.
“At 9 pm a shell burst over the six men. Private R Wardrop was wounded in the left hand. Next to him, Pte R Burleigh was killed by the concussion of the shell, there being neither mark nor bruise on his body. I was next and received seven pieces of shrapnel, the worst wounding me in both thighs. Private Gordon Young received shrapnel through his throat and lived half-an-hour.
“The other two men were unhurt and ran back to the dug-out to tell the sergeant what had happened. The sergeant came first to me, but I directed him to Pte G Young who was mortally wounded. The sergeant then told me to try and run to the trench where the other half of 14 Platoon was. I managed it and slid feet first into the trench. No doubt, in this way, dirt must have got into the wounds.
“A stretcher-bearer, Pte J Cooper, nicknamed ‘Chinaman Cooper’, and another carried me on a stretcher to a dug-out. They attended to my wounds and gave me a tot of rum. They brought me out of the dug-out, placed me on a stretcher and carried me along the trench. That was the end of my share in the fight for Delville Wood — a sight of the wood and injury from the wood.”
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Orders were received on the 13th for the attack on the German second line. The 9th Division was to take the village of Longueval and the adjacent Delv
ille Wood. The 4th SAI were relieved by two battalions of the 55th brigade (18th Division). The South African brigade camped at Talus Boise that night, as the 9th Division’s reserve brigade.
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General Lukin reported that he at last had his brigade together again.
“On the evening of the 13th the 2nd Queens and a company of the 7th Middlesex took over Bernafay Wood and Longueval Avenue and this brigade concentrated in Talus Boise, behind the British original front line trenches. It then became the brigade of the 9th Division in reserve.” By 8 pm the brigade were all at Talus Boise.
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The casualties during the previous week had been occasioned mainly by the heavy German shelling, in which seven officers had been killed and nine wounded. The total casualties were:
1st Battalion … 50 (In the front lines near Montauban)
2nd Battalion … 205 (Mainly at Bernafay Wood)
3rd Battalion … 91 (In support trenches)
4th Battalion … 191 (In Trones Wood and Bernafay Wood) … 537
The strength of the brigade was now 3,153 all ranks, comprising 121 officers and 3,032 other ranks.
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In anticipation of the impending assault Gen Furse sent out a divisional circular:
“I want every officer, NCO and man in the 9th Division to know that, in the opinion of the commander-in chief, the battle which is imminent is likely to prove to be the most decisive in the whole campaign.
“Up to date in these operations the division, with the exception of the artillery, has had little chance of killing. It has had to work and to live — some, I regret to say, to die — night and day under very heavy shell fire.
“It is now to have its chance to get to grips with the enemy, and I know it will welcome the chance and make full use of it.
“The 9th Division has been given a great task. It will accomplish it fully, because I know that every single man in the division is going into the fight determined to go on fighting to the end. With the splendid spirit the division has constantly shown and with God’s blessing on our fighting, we cannot but win complete victory.
“I want to thank you all for your gallant and loyal work since I have had the great honour of commanding the division, and I wish you all good luck.”
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Private Geoffrey George Lawrence, 20, an ex-St Andrews College boarder at Grahamstown, had spent his post-school years learning practical farm management. His years on the open veld and three months’ service from March 1915 in the Natal Light Horse had hardened him physically.
“On the evening of the 13th we left our trenches at Maricourt and dug ourselves in on a hillside some distance in front. Here we were given our orders for the big advance the next morning in support of the 26th Highland Brigade. Our trench being sufficiently deep, I moved aside to a higher point and watched the intense shelling of the wood we were to assault the next day.
“It was a most fearsome sight to see the wood a mass of flames rising to the full height of the trees, a perfect hell, and this was our objective for the following day. I felt terribly afraid. I think all of us before battle were jolted into facing the facts of fear and death and knew they must be fully dealt with. In my case I was granted a peace that remained throughout my days in the wood.
“Returning to my place in our trench I was keeping a sharp lookout with my rifle at the ready and must for an instant have fallen asleep with my eyes open when a major peered at me from in front of the trench and said, ‘Are you awake?’
“I jerked to reality and promptly said ‘Yes, Sir’. Warning us to be wakeful he passed on. Our officers were constantly on the move in front of us that night seeing that we were wakeful, evidently expecting an enemy counter-attack.”
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Duggie Brice-Bruce saw the consequences of false bravado and of fear on the eve of Delville Wood.
“On the evening of the 13th we rested outside the wood in a sunken road. With us was a troop of the Bengal Lancers, who spent most of their time sharpening their swords. Every time we looked towards them they made signs of what they were going to do to the Germans, by drawing the blade across their throats.
“Tragically, they made one sortie without success and were mowed down by machine-gun fire. It was difficult terrain for horses to negotiate; what with shell holes, funk holes, broken trees and barbed wire entanglements, it was near impossible. Reports had it that forty thousand of our finest cavalry were waiting to break through. If this had been achieved it would have shortened the war.
“I was on last guard with another chap, no names as it ended tragically. We had about ten minutes to go when I heard a shot. My duty pal stumbled towards me and looked as if he was in pain. I managed to get him in a sitting position and asked him what had happened? He did not hide anything. It appears that he had placed a tin of bullybeef on his instep and fired. His idea was to eliminate any trace of powder burn. All I could say was ‘Why did you do it?’ He said that he could not stand up to the shelling.
“I sat him down and removed the boot, it was a horrible looking wound and he was bleeding badly, I then shouted for the stretcher-bearer and was cursed for waking him up; you cannot blame them as they were overworked. No one could point a finger, as we all went through the same thing, there was a period when you would have given anything to get out of it.
“This chap was with us in Bernafay, and went through the shelling. He saw Lieut Mulcahy suffering from his wound before he died; he saw the wounded coming out with terrible head wounds and limbs blown off. It was sad to see such a fine boy breaking up. He was suffering from shell-shock. I think that what was a great help to me was the fear of showing fear in front of my comrades. I have been so close to death many times, but had a strong feeling that my Guardian Angel was taking care of me.”
Chapter 4 — Longueval village
Friday 14th
The village of Longueval is situated on a ridge at the junction of four vital roads; one runs south to Montauban, one south-east to Guillemont past Waterlot Farm with a branch road to Ginchy, one north along a sunken road to Flers and the fourth west to Bazentin-le-Grand.
In the angle between the village and the Flers and Ginchy roads lies Delville Wood, 156 acres of dense oak and birch with entangled hazel undergrowth and crossed by grassy rides. The north-eastern face of the wood lies on the reverse slope of the ridge, affording a covered approach to the Germans.
Waterlot Farm was a beet factory which the Germans had fortified with heavy Maxim machine-guns, which provided enfilade fire on any attack on the village or wood up the gentle slope from Montauban.
The 9th Division’s 26th and 27th Brigades formed up at 12.30 am under cover of an artillery bombardment of the village and wood. The assembly was successful and the attack was launched when the barrage ceased at 3.25 am.
The attack on Longueval and Delville Wood was the most difficult on the front as both the village and wood were strongly fortified, criss-crossed by trenches, tunnels and machine-gun posts, under artillery and small-arms fire from three sides and athwart a ridge up which the attacking force had to move without cover. The house basements were connected by tunnels, which would enable the Germans to pop up in the rear of attacking troops and shoot them in the back. In addition the cream of the German army opposed them and had orders not to lose an inch of ground.
The 26th Brigade launched a dawn attack on Longueval — the 8th Black Watch and 10th Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders in front with the 9th Seaforths in support and the 5th Cameron Highlanders in reserve. After desperate hand-to-hand fighting they took the western and south-western parts of the village by noon. The 27th Brigade and 1st SAI moved up behind them to “mop up”.
The Black Watch encountered stubborn resistance in the southeastern part of the village, where a machine-gun nest was covered by the fire of two field-guns situated in the south-west corner of Delville Wood. These guns were later removed. That afternoon the Black Watch were reinforced by the Seaforths and a company of the
Camerons. The position fell to a converging attack, the garrison being bayoneted and three machine-guns captured.
Captain J Dingwall Carswell, 36, of the Black Watch was 6 ft 4 ins tall. He had served with the Glasgow Highlanders up to 1903 then left to join the Bank of Africa at Cape Town. After transferring to the Lourenco Marques branch he became secretary and later manager of a forwarding house there. In 1913 he became manager of a company at Jacobs, Natal, then resigned to join the army. He was killed while leading his Highlanders at Longueval.
The 1st SAI were brought through a heavy barrage in eight lines of sections without incurring a single casualty. At 2 pm the battalion under Lieut-Col Dawson attacked the remainder of the village and by 4 pm A and B companies had reached their first objectives, but were held up by machine-gun fire from front and flank.
At midnight the Argylls held the southern half of Longueval with their front-line on Clarges Street, the western extension of Princes Street in Delville Wood.
That night three parties were sent out to capture the enemy posts which were holding up the advance. They returned to report that the whole northern part of the village was a nest of machine-guns.
The remainder of the brigade were subjected to heavy tear-gas shelling as they moved up to occupy trenches near Montauban.
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The 2/16th Bavarian Regiment checked the British 26th and 27th Brigades at the Longueval market place. The Bavarians were reinforced by a battalion of the 26th Infantry Regiment, which occupied parts of Longueval and the southern edge of Delville Wood.
A German battalion consisted of 750 to 800 men and had formidable machine-gun fire. There were three battalions to a regiment and three regiments to a division.
