by Daniel Defoe
Jankoviç, Vladimir, Reading the Skies: A Cultural History of English Weather, 1650-1820 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001). An excellent background history of early meteorology in Britain.
Lindsay, Jack, The Monster City: Defoe’s London, 1688-1730 (London: Granada, 1978). A guide to the economic and political realities of Defoe’s day-to-day existence.
Moore, John Robert, Defoe in the Pillory, and Other Studies (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1939). Makes the case for viewing 1703 as the turning point in Defoe’s life and career.
Novak, Maximillian E., Daniel Defoe: Master of Fictions (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001). A superb biographical and critical account of Defoe’s literary career.
Starr, G.A., Defoe and Spiritual Autobiography (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965). Relates many of Defoe’s works, including The Storm, to earlier forms of religious and confessional writing.
Trevelyan, George Macaulay, England Under Queen Anne, 3 vols. (London: Longmans, Green & Co, 1930). Trevelyan’s remains the best general account of the period, complete with a bravura description of the 1703 storm.
Vickers, Ilsa, Defoe and the New Sciences (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). Places Defoe in a seventeenth-century scientific context through a study of his education at Newington Green.
West, Richard, The Life and Strange Surprising Adventures of Daniel Defoe (London: HarperCollins, 1997). A lively biography which emphasizes Defoe’s later career as a journalist and a spy.
A Note on the Texts
This edition of The Storm is based on the first edition, which appeared between 14 and 17 July 1704. It was advertised as having appeared ‘yesterday’ in the Post-Man for 15-18 July 1704 and as ‘just published’ in the Review for 29 July 1704. A second edition appeared in January 1713, with a new title-page: A Collection of the most remarkable Casualties and Disasters, Which happen’d in the late dreadful Tempest, both by Sea and Land, on Friday the Twenty-sixth of November, Seventeen Hundred and Three (London: George Sawbridge and J. Nutt, 1713). The text itself was unchanged from that of the first edition, and seems likely to have been a reissue of unsold sheets. An expanded version of Defoe’s text was published in 1769, with the title An Historical Narrative of the Great and Tremendous Storm which happened on Nov. 26th, 1703 (London: W. Nicoll, 1769).
The last time The Storm was reprinted in full was in 1905, in The Novels and Miscellaneous Works of Daniel De Foe, with prefaces and notes, including those attributed to Sir Walter Scott, 6 vols. (London: George Bell, 1904-10), vol. 5. The same volume also included the reprinted text of An Essay on the Late Storm.
The Lay-Man’s Sermon upon the Late Storm was published in the second week of February 1704, as a 24-page pamphlet. It was advertised as having appeared ‘last week’ in the Daily Courant for 24 February 1704. It was the only edition of the work which, until now, has never been reprinted.
An Essay on the Late Storm was first published in An Elegy on the Author of the True-Born-English-Man. With an Essay on the Late Storm. By the Author of the Hymn to the Pillory (London, 1704). It was advertised in the Review for 15 August 1704. A second edition of the book appeared in 1708.
I have retained Defoe’s original spellings, italicizations, punctuation and capitalizations, with one or two exceptions where the meaning was obscured, as well as silently correcting a number of obvious printers’ errors. The use of the long ‘s’ and of continuous quotation marks down the left-hand margin have also been silently dropped.
THE PREFACE
Preaching of Sermons is Speaking to a few of Mankind: Printing of Books is Talking to the whole World. The Parson Prescribes himself, and addresses to the particular Auditory with the Appellation of My Brethren; but he that Prints a Book, ought to Preface it with a Noverint Universi, Know all Men by these Presents.1
The proper Inference drawn from this remarkable Observation, is, That tho’ he that Preaches from the Pulpit ought to be careful of his Words, that nothing pass from him but with an especial Sanction of Truth; yet he that Prints and Publishes to all the World, has a tenfold Obligation.
The Sermon is a Sound of Words spoken to the Ear, and prepar’d only for present Meditation, and extends no farther than the strength of Memory can convey it; a Book Printed is a Record; remaining in every Man’s Possession, always ready to renew its Acquaintance with his Memory, and always ready to be produc’d as an Authority or Voucher to any Reports he makes out of it, and conveys its Contents for Ages to come, to the Eternity of mortal Time, when the Author is forgotten in his Grave.
If a Sermon be ill grounded, if the Preacher imposes upon us, he trespasses on a few; but if a Book Printed obtrudes a Falshood, if a Man tells a Lye in Print, he abuses Mankind, and imposes upon the whole World, he causes our Children to tell Lyes after us, and their Children after them, to the End of the World.
This Observation I thought good to make by way of Preface, to let the World know, that when I go about a Work in which I must tell a great many Stories, which may in their own nature seem incredible, and in which I must expect a great part of Mankind will question the Sincerity of the Relator; I did not do it without a particular sence upon me of the proper Duty of an Historian, and the abundant Duty laid on him to be very wary what he conveys to Posterity.
I cannot be so ignorant of my own Intentions, as not to know, that in many Cases I shall act the Divine, and draw necessary practical Inferences from the extraordinary Remarkables of this Book, and some Digressions which I hope may not be altogether useless in this Case.
And while I pretend to a thing so solemn, I cannot but premise I should stand convicted of a double Imposture, to forge a Story, and then preach Repentance to the Reader from a Crime greater than that I would have him repent of: endeavouring by a Lye to correct the Reader’s Vices, and sin against Truth to bring the Reader off from sinning against Sence.
Upon this score, tho’ the Undertaking be very difficult among such an infinite variety of Circumstances, to keep, exactly within the bounds of Truth; yet I have this positive Assurance with me, that in all the subsequent Relation, if the least Mistake happen, it shall not be mine.
If I judge right, ’Tis the Duty of an Historian to set every thing in its own Light, and to convey matter of fact upon its legitimate Authority, and no other: I mean thus, (for I wou’d be as explicit as I can) That where a Story is vouch’d to him with sufficient Authority, he ought to give the World the Special Testimonial of its proper Voucher, or else he is not just to the Story: and where it comes without such sufficient Authority, he ought to say so; otherwise he is not just to himself. In the first Case he injures the History, by leaving it doubtful where it might be confirm’d past all manner of question; in the last he injures his own Reputation, by taking upon himself the Risque, in case it proves a Mistake, of having the World charge him with a Forgery.
And indeed, I cannot but own ’tis just, that if I tell a Story in Print for a Truth which proves otherwise, unless I, at the same time, give proper Caution to the Reader, by owning the Uncertainty of my Knowledge in the matter of fact, ’tis I impose upon the World: my Relater is innocent, and the Lye is my own.
I make all these preliminary Observations, partly to inform the Reader, that I have not undertaken this Work without the serious Consideration of what I owe to Truth, and to Posterity; nor without a Sence of the extraordinary Variety and Novelty of the Relation.
I am sensible, that the want of this Caution is the Foundation of that great Misfortune we have in matters of ancient History; in which the Impudence, the Ribaldry, the empty Flourishes, the little Regard to Truth, and the Fondness of telling a strange Story, has dwindled a great many valuable Pieces of ancient History into meer Romance.
How are the Lives of some of our most famous Men, nay the Actions of whole Ages, drowned in Fable? Not that there wanted Pen-men to write, but that their Writings were continually mixt with such Rhodomontades2 of the Authors that Posterity rejected them as fabulous.
From Men we may descend to Action: and this prodigious Looseness of the Pen has confounded History and Fable from the beginning of both. Thus the great Flood in Deucalion’s Time4 is made to pass for the Universal Deluge: the Ingenuity of Dedalus, who by a Clue of Thread got out of the Egyptian Maze, which was thought impossible, is grown into a Fable of making himself a pair of Wings, and flying through the Air:-5 the great Drought and violent Heat of Summer, thought to be the Time when the Great Famine was in Samaria, fabl’d by the Poets and Historians into the Story of Phaeton borrowing the Chariot of the Sun, and giving the Horses their Heads, they run so near the Earth as burnt up all the nearest Parts, and scorch’d the Inhabitants, so that they have been black in those Parts ever since.6
These, and such like ridiculous Stuff, have been the Effects of the Pageantry of Historians in former Ages: and I might descend nearer home, to the Legends of Fabulous History which have swallow’d up the Actions of our ancient Predecessors, King Arthur, the Gyant Gogmagog, and the Britain, the Stories of St. George and the Dragon, Guy Earl of Warwick, Bevis of Southampton, and the like.7
I’ll account for better Conduct in the ensuing History: and tho’ some Things here related shall have equal Wonder due to them, Posterity shall not have equal Occasion to distrust the Verity of the Relation.
I confess here is room for abundance of Romance, because the Subject may be safer extended than in any other case, no Story being capable to be crowded with such Circumstances, but Infinite Power, which is all along concern’d with us in every Relation, is suppos’d capable of making true.
Yet we shall no where so Trespass upon Fact, as to oblige Infinite Power to the shewing more Miracles than it intended.
It must be allow’d, That when Nature was put into so much Confusion, and the Surface of the Earth and Sea felt such extraordinary a Disorder, innumerable Accidents would fall out that till the like Occasion happen may never more be seen, and unless a like Occasion had happen’d could never before be heard of: wherefore the particular Circumstances being so wonderful, serve but to remember Posterity of the more wonderful Extreme, which was the immediate Cause.
The Uses and Application made from this Terrible Doctrine, I leave to the Men of the Pulpit; only take the freedom to observe, that when Heaven it self lays down the Doctrine, all Men are summon’d to make Applications by themselves.
The main Inference I shall pretend to make or at least venture the exposing to publick View, in this case, is, the strong Evidence God has been pleas’d to give in this terrible manner to his own Being, which Mankind began more than ever to affront and despise: And I cannot but have so much Charity for the worst of my Fellow-Creatures, that I believe no Man was so hard’ned against the Sence of his Maker, but he felt some Shocks of his wicked Confidence from the Convulsions of Nature at this time.
I cannot believe any Man so rooted in Atheistical Opinions, as not to find some Cause to doubt whether he was not in the Wrong, and a little to apprehend the Possibility of a Supreme Being, when he felt the terrible Blasts of this Tempest. I cannot doubt but the Atheist’s hard’ned Soul trembl’d a little as well as his House, and he felt some Nature asking him some little Questions; as these – Am not I mistaken? Certainly there is some such thing as a God-What can all this be? What is the Matter in the World?
Certainly Atheism is one of the most Irrational Principles in the World; there is something incongruous in it with the Test of Humane Policy, because there is a Risque in the Mistake one way, and none another. If the Christian is mistaken, and it should at last appear that there is no Future State, God or Devil, Reward or Punishment, where is the Harm of it? All he has lost is, that he has practis’d a few needless Mortifications, and took the pains to live a little more like a Man than he wou’d have done. But if the Atheist is mistaken, he has brought all the Powers, whose Being he deny’d, upon his Back, has provok’d the Infinite in the highest manner, and must at last sink under the Anger of him whose Nature he has always disown’d.
I would recommend this Thought to any Man to consider of, one Way he can lose nothing, the other he may be undone. Certainly a wise Man would never run such an unequal Risque: a Man cannot answer it to Common Arguments, the Law of Numbers, and the Rules of Proportion are against him. No Gamester will set at such a Main;8 no Man will lay such a Wager, where he may lose, but cannot win.
There is another unhappy Misfortune in the Mistake too, that it can never be discover’d till ’tis too late to remedy. He that resolves to die an Atheist, shuts the Door against being convinc’d in time.
If it shou’d so fall out, as who can tell,
But that there is a God, a Heaven, and Hell,
Mankind had best consider well for Fear,
’t should be too late when his Mistakes appear9
I should not pretend to set up for an Instructor in this Case, were not the Inference so exceeding just; who can but preach where there is such a Text? when God himself speaks his own Power, he expects we should draw just Inferences from it, both for our Selves and our Friends.
If one Man, in an Hundred Years, shall arrive at a Conviction of the Being of his Maker, ’tis very well worth my While to write it, and to bear the Character of an impertinent Fellow from all the rest.
I thought to make some Apology for the Meanness of Stile, and the Method, which may be a little unusual, of Printing Letters from the Country in their own Stile.
For the last I only leave this short Reason with the Reader, the Desire I had to keep close to the Truth, and hand my Relation with the true Authorities from whence I receiv’d it; together with some Justice to the Gentlemen concern’d, who, especially in Cases of Deliverances, are willing to record the Testimonial of the Mercies they received, and to set their Hands to the humble Acknowledgement. The Plainness and Honesty of the Story will plead for the Meanness of the Stile in many of the Letters, and the Reader cannot want Eyes to see what sort of People some of them come from.
Others speak for themselves, and being writ by Men of Letters, as well as Men of Principles, I have not Arrogance enough to attempt a Correction either of the Sense or Stile; and if I had gone about it, should have injur’d both Author and Reader.
These come dressed in their own Words because I ought not, and those because I could not mend’em. I am perswaded, they are all dress’d in the desirable, though unfashionable Garb of Truth, and I doubt not but Posterity will read them with Pleasure.
The Gentlemen, who have taken the Pains to collect and transmit the Particular Relations here made publick, I hope will have their End answered in this Essay, conveying hereby to the Ages to come the Memory of the dreadfulest and most universal Judgment that ever Almighty Power thought fit to bring upon this Part of the World.
And as this was the true Native and Original Design of the first Undertaking, abstracted from any Part of the Printer’s Advantage, the Editor and Undertakers of this Work, having their Ends entirely answer’d, hereby give their humble Thanks to all those Gentlemen who have so far approv’d the Sincerity of their Design as to contribute their Trouble, and help forward by their just Observations, the otherwise very difficult Undertaking.
If Posterity will but make the desired Improvement both of the Collector’s Pains, as well as the several Gentlemens Care in furnishing the Particulars, I dare say they will all acknowledge their End fully answer’d, and none more readily than
The Ages Humble Servant.
THE STORM
CHAPTER I
Of the Natural Causes and Original of Winds
Though a System of Exhalation, Dilation, and Extension, things which the Ancients founded the Doctrine of Winds upon, be not my direct Business; yet it cannot but be needful to the present Design to Note, that the Difference in the Opinions of the Ancients, about the Nature and Original of Winds, is a Leading Step to one Assertion which I have advanc’d in all that I have said with Relation to Winds, viz. That there seems to be more of God in the whole Appearance, than in any other Part of Operating Nature.
Nor do I think I need explain my self very far in this Notion: I allow the high Original of Nature to be the Great Author of all her Actings, and by the strict Rein of his Providence, is the Continual and Exact Guide of her Executive Power; but still ’tis plain that in Some of the Principal Parts of Nature she is Naked to our Eye, Things appear both in their Causes and Consequences, Demonstration gives its Assistance, and finishes our further Enquiries: for we never enquire after God in those Works of Nature which depending upon the Course of Things are plain and demonstrative; but where we find Nature defective in her Discovery, where we see Effects but cannot reach their Causes; there ’tis most just, and Nature her self seems to direct us to it, to end the rational Enquiry, and resolve it into Speculation: Nature plainly refers us beyond her Self, to the Mighty Hand of Infinite Power, the Author of Nature, and Original of all Causes.
Among these Arcana of the Sovereign Oeconomy, the Winds are laid as far back as any. Those Ancient Men of Genius who rifled Nature by the Torch-Light of Reason even to her very Nudities, have been run a-ground in this unknown Channel; the Wind has blown out the Candle of Reason, and left them all in the Dark.
Aristotle, in his Problems, Sect. 23. calls the Wind Aeris Impulsum. Seneca says, Ventus est Aer Fluens. The Stoicks held it, Motum aut Fluxionem Aeris. Mr. Hobs, Air mov’d in a direct or undulating Motion. Fournier, Le Vent et un Movement Agitation de l’ Air Causi par des Exhalations et Vapours. The Moderns, a Hot and Dry Exhalation repuls’d by Antiperistasis;1 Des Cartes defines it, Venti Nihil sunt nisi Moti & Dilati Vapores. And various other Opinions are very judiciously collected by the Learned Mr. Bohun in his Treatise of the Origin and Properties of Wind, P. 7. and concludes, ‘That no one Hypothesis, how Comprehensive soever, has yet been able to resolve all the Incident Phenomena of Winds. Bohun of Winds, P. 9.2
