[1] Ἐτύγχανον μὲν ἐπιδημῶν ἐν Βορυσθένει τὸ θέρος, ὁπότε εἰσέπλευσα μετὰ τὴν φυγήν, βουλόμενος ἐλθεῖν, ἐὰν δύνωμαι, διὰ Σκυθῶν εἰς Γέτας, ὅπως θεάσωμαι τἀκεῖ πράγματα ὁποῖά ἐστι. καὶ δὴ καὶ περιεπάτουν περὶ πλήθουσαν ἀγορὰν παρὰ τὸν Ὕπανιν. ἡ γὰρ πόλις τὸ μὲν ὄνομα εἴληφεν ἀπὸ τοῦ Βορυσθένους διὰ τὸ κάλλος καὶ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ ποταμοῦ, κεῖται δὲ πρὸς τῷ Ὑπάνιδι ἥ τε νῦν καὶ ἡ πρότερον οὕτως ᾠκεῖτο, οὐ πολὺ ἄνωθεν
The Thirty-sixth, or Borysthenitic, Discourse which Dio delivered in his Native Land
I happened to be visiting in Borysthenes during the summer, for I had sailed there then, after my exile, with the purpose of making my way, if possible, through Scythia to the Getan country, in order to observe conditions there. Well, one day toward noon I was strolling along the Hypanis. I should explain that, although the city has taken its name from the Borysthenes because of the beauty and the size of that river, the actual position, not only of the present city, but also of its predecessor, is on the bank of the Hypanis, not far above what is called Cape Hippolaüs, on the opposite shore.
[2] τῆς Ἱππολάου καλουμένης ἄκρας ἐν τῷ κατ̓ ἀντικρύ. τοῦτο δέ ἐστι τῆς χώρας ὀξὺ καὶ στερεὸν ὥσπερ ἔμβολον, περὶ ὃ συμπίπτουσιν οἱ ποταμοί. τὸ δὲ ἐντεῦθεν ἤδη λιμνάζουσι μέχρι θαλάττης ἐπὶ σταδίους σχεδόν τι διακοσίους: καὶ τὸ εὖρος οὐχ ἧττον ταύτῃ τῶν ποταμῶν. ἔστι δὲ αὐτοῦ τὸ μὲν πλέον τέναγος καὶ γαλήνη ταῖς εὐδίαις ὥσπερ ἐν λίμνῃ γίγνεται σταθερά. ἐν δὲ τοῖς δεξιοῖς φαίνεται ποταμός, καὶ τεκμαίρονται οἱ εἰσπλέοντες ἀπὸ τοῦ ῥεύματος τὸ βάθος. ὅθενπερ καὶ ἐξίησι, διὰ τὴν ἰσχὺν τοῦ ῥοῦ: εἰ δὲ μή, ῥᾳδίως ἂν ἐφράττετο τοῦ νότου πολλοῦ κατὰ στόμα
[2] This part of the land, near where the two rivers meet, is as sharp and firm as the beak of a ship. But from there on these rivers form a marshy lake down to the sea for a distance of approximately two hundred stades; and the breadth of the two rivers in that district is not less than that. The fact is that most of that stretch consists of shoals, and in fair weather unruffled calm prevails as in a swamp. But on the right there are signs of a river, and sailors inward bound judge its depth by the current. And this explains why the water does make its way out to sea, because of the strength of the current; but for that it would easily be held in check when the south wind blows strongly dead against it.
[3] εἰσπνέοντος. τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ᾐών ἐστιν ἑλώδης καὶ δασεῖα καλάμῳ καὶ δένδροις. φαίνεται δὲ τῶν δένδρων πολλὰ καὶ ἐν μέσῃ τῇ λίμνῃ, ὡς ἱστοῖς προσεοικέναι, καὶ ἤδη τινὲς τῶν ἀπειροτέρων διήμαρτον, ὡς ἐπὶ πλοῖα ἐπέχοντες. ταύτῃ δὲ καὶ τῶν ἁλῶν ἐστι τὸ πλῆθος, ὅθεν οἱ πλείους τῶν βαρβάρων λαμβάνουσιν ὠνούμενοι τοὺς ἅλας καὶ τῶν Ἑλλήνων καὶ Σκυθῶν οἱ Χερρόνησον οἰκοῦντες τὴν Ταυρικήν. ἐκδιδόασι δὲ οἱ ποταμοὶ εἰς θάλασσαν παρὰ φρούριον Ἀλέκτορος, ὃ λέγεται τῆς γυναικὸς εἶναι τοῦ Σαυροματῶν [p. 2]
[3] As for the rest, we have only muddy shore overgrown with reeds and trees. And many of the trees are to be seen even in the midst of the marsh, so as to resemble masts of ships; and at times some who were less familiar with those waters have lost their way, supposing that they were approaching ships. And it is here also that we find the vast number of salt-works from which most of the barbarians buy their salt, as do also those Greeks and Scythians who occupy the Tauric Chersonese. The rivers empty into the sea near the Castle of Alector, which is said to belong to the wife of the Sauromatian king.
[4] βασιλέως. ἡ δὲ πόλις ἡ τῶν Βορυσθενιτῶν τὸ μέγεθός ἐστιν οὐ πρὸς τὴν παλαιὰν δόξαν διὰ τὰς συνεχεῖς ἁλώσεις καὶ τοὺς πολέμους. ἅτε γὰρ ἐν μέσοις οἰκοῦσα τοῖς βαρβάροις τοσοῦτον ἤδη χρόνον, καὶ τούτοις σχεδόν τι τοῖς πολεμικωτάτοις, ἀεὶ μὲν πολεμεῖται, πολλάκις δὲ καὶ ἑάλω: τὴν δὲ τελευταίαν καὶ μεγίστην ἅλωσιν οὐ πρὸ πλειόνων ἢ πεντήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν ἐτῶν. εἷλον δὲ καὶ ταύτην Γέται καὶ τὰς ἄλλας τὰς ἐν τοῖς ἀριστεροῖς τοῦ Πόντου
[4] The city of Borysthenes, as to its size, does not correspond to its ancient fame, because of its ever-repeated seizure and its wars. For since the city has lain in the midst of barbarians now for so long a time — barbarians, too, who are virtually the most warlike of all — it is always in a state of war and has often been captured, the last and most disastrous capture occurring not more than one hundred and fifty years ago. And the Getae on that occasion seized not only Borysthenes but also the other cities along the left shore of Pontus as far as Apollonia.
[5] πόλεις μέχρι Ἀπολλωνίας. ὅθεν δὴ καὶ σφόδρα ταπεινὰ τὰ πράγματα κατέστη τῶν ταύτῃ Ἑλλήνων, τῶν μὲν οὐκέτι συνοικισθεισῶν πόλεων, τῶν δὲ φαύλως, καὶ τῶν πλείστων βαρβάρων εἰς αὐτὰς συρρυέντων. πολλαὶ γὰρ δή τινες ἁλώσεις κατὰ πολλὰ μέρη γεγόνασι τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ἅτε ἐν πολλοῖς τόποις διεσπαρμένης. ἁλόντες δὲ τότε οἱ Βορυσθενῖται πάλιν συνῴκησαν, ἐθελόντων ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν τῶν Σκυθῶν διὰ τὸ δεῖσθαι τῆς ἐμπορίας καὶ τοῦ κατάπλου τῶν Ἑλλήνων. ἐπαύσαντο γὰρ εἰσπλέοντες ἀναστάτου τῆς πόλεως γενομένης, ἅτε οὐκ ἔχοντες ὁμοφώνους τοὺς ὑποδεχομένους οὐδὲ τῶν Σκυθῶν ἀξιούντων οὐδὲ ἐπισταμένων ἐμπόριον αὐτῶν κατασκευάσασθαι
[5] For that reason the fortunes of the Greeks in that region reached a very low ebb indeed, some of them being no longer united to form cities, while others enjoyed but a wretched existence as communities, and it was mostly barbarians who flocked to them. Indeed many cities have been captured in many parts of Greece, inasmuch as Greece lies scattered in many regions. But after Borysthenes had been taken on the occasion mentioned, its people once more formed a community, with the consent of the Scythians, I imagine, because of their need for traffic with the Greeks who might use that port. For the Greeks had stopped sailing to Borysthenes when the city was laid waste, inasmuch as they had no people of common speech to receive them, and the Scythians themselves had neither the ambition nor the knowledge to equip a trading-centre of their own after the Greek manner.
[6] τὸν Ἑλληνικὸν τρόπον. σημεῖον δὲ τῆς ἀναστάσεως ἥ τε φαυλότης τῶν οἰκοδομημάτων καὶ τὸ συνεστάλθαι τὴν πόλιν ἐς βραχύ. μέρει γάρ τινι προσῳκοδόμηται τοῦ παλαιοῦ περιβόλου, καθ̓ ὃ πύργοι τινὲς οὐ πολλοὶ διαμένουσιν ο�
� πρὸς τὸ μέγεθος οὐδὲ πρὸς τὴν ἰσχὺν τῆς πόλεως. τὸ δὲ μεταξὺ συμπέφρακται κατ̓ ἐκεῖνο ταῖς οἰκίαις οὐκ ἐχούσαις ὁποῖα διαλείπει. τειχίον δὲ παραβέβληται πάνυ ταπεινὸν καὶ ἀσθενές. τῶν δὲ πύργων εἰσί τινες πολὺ ἀφεστῶτες τοῦ νῦν οἰκουμένου, ὥστε μηδ̓ εἰκάσαι ὅτι μιᾶς ἦσαν πόλεως. ταῦτά τε δὴ οὖν σημεῖα ἐναργῆ τῆς ἁλώσεως καὶ τὸ μηδὲν τῶν ἀγαλμάτων διαμένειν ὑγιὲς τῶν ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς, ἀλλὰ ξύμπαντα λελωβημένα εἶναι, ὥσπερ τὰ ἐπὶ τῶν μνημάτων.
[6] Evidence of the destruction of Borysthenes is visible both in the sorry nature of its buildings and in the contraction of the city within narrow bounds. For it has been built adjacent to one section of the ancient circuit-wall where a few towers, but only a few, yet remain, not at all in keeping with the original size or power of the city. The intervening space in that quarter has been blocked off by means of the houses, built so as to form a continuous whole. However, a bit of wall has been constructed parallel to this line of houses, quite low and weak. As for the towers, there are some which stand quite apart from the portion of the city that is now inhabited, so that you would not surmise that they once belonged to a single city. These, then, are clear tokens of the city’s capture, as well as the fact that not a single statue remains undamaged among those that are in the sanctuaries, one and all having suffered mutilation, as is true also of the funeral monuments.
[7] ὅπερ οὖν ἔφην, ἔτυχον περιπατῶν πρὸ τῆς πόλεως, καί τινες ἐξῄεσαν ἔνδοθεν τῶν Βορυσθενιτῶν πρὸς ἐμέ, ὥσπερ εἰώθεσαν: ἔπειτα Καλλίστρατος ἐφ̓ ἵππου τὸ μὲν πρῶτον παρρίππευσεν ἡμᾶς ἔξωθεν προσελαύνων, παρελθὼν δὲ ὀλίγον κατέβη, καὶ τὸν ἵππον τῷ ἀκολούθῳ [p. 3] παραδοὺς αὐτὸς πάνυ κοσμίως προσῆλθεν ὑπὸ τὸ ἱμάτιον τὴν χεῖρα ὑποστείλας. παρέζωστο δὲ μάχαιραν μεγάλην τῶν ἱππικῶν καὶ ἀναξυρίδας εἶχε καὶ τὴν ἄλλην στολὴν Σκυθικήν, ἄνωθεν δὲ τῶν ὤμων ἱμάτιον μικρὸν μέλαν, λεπτόν, ὥσπερ εἰώθασιν οἱ Βορυσθενῖται. χρῶνται δὲ καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ ἐσθῆτι μελαίνῃ ὡς τὸ πολὺ ἀπὸ γένους τινὸς Σκυθῶν τῶν Μελαγχλαίνων, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκοῦσι,
[7] Well, as I was saying, I chanced to be strolling outside the city, and there came to meet me from within the walls some of the people of Borysthenes, as was their custom. Thereupon Callistratus at first came riding by us on horseback on his way from somewhere outside of town, but when he had gone a short distance beyond us, he dismounted, and, entrusting his horse to his attendant, he himself drew near in very proper fashion, having drawn his arm beneath his mantle. Suspended from his girdle he had a great cavalry sabre, and he was wearing trousers and all the rest of the Scythian costume, and from his shoulders there hung a small black cape of thin material, as is usual with the people of Borysthenes. In fact the rest of their apparel in general is regularly black, through the influence of a certain tribe of Scythians, the Blackcloaks, so named by the Greeks doubtless for that very reason.
[8] κατὰ τοῦτο ὀνομασθέντων ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων. ἦν δὲ ὡς ὀκτωκαίδεκα ἐτῶν ὁ Καλλίστρατος, πάνυ καλὸς καὶ μέγας, πολὺ ἔχων Ἰωνικὸν τοῦ εἴδους. ἐλέγετο δὲ καὶ τὰ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἀνδρεῖος εἶναι, καὶ πολλοὺς Σαυροματῶν τοὺς μὲν ἀνῃρηκέναι, τοὺς δὲ αἰχμαλώτους εἰληφέναι. ἐσπουδάκει δὲ καὶ περὶ λόγους καὶ φιλοσοφίαν, ὥστε καὶ ἐκπλεῦσαι σὺν ἐμοὶ ἐπεθύμει. διὰ πάντα δὴ ταῦτα εὐδοκίμει παρὰ τοῖς πολίταις, οὐχ ἥκιστα δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ κάλλους, καὶ εἶχε πολλοὺς ἐραστάς. πάνυ γὰρ δὴ τοῦτο ἐμμεμένηκεν αὐτοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς μητροπόλεως, τὸ περὶ τοὺς ἔρωτας τοὺς τῶν ἀρρένων: ὥστε κινδυνεύουσιν ἀναπείθειν καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων ἐνίους οὐκ ἐπ̓ ἀγαθῷ σχεδόν, ἀλλ̓ ὡς ἂν ἐκεῖνοι τὸ τοιοῦτον ἀποδέξαιντο, βαρβαρικῶς
[8] Callistratus was about eighteen years of age, very tall and handsome, having much of the Ionian in his appearance. And it was said also that in matters pertaining to warfare he was a man of courage, and that many of the Sauromatians he had either slain or taken captive. He had become interested also in oratory and philosophy, so that he had his heart set on sailing away in my company. For all these reasons, then, he was in high repute with his fellow-townsmen, and not least of all because of his beauty, and he had many lovers. For this practice has continued among them as a heritage from the city of their origin — I refer to the love of man for man — so much so that they are likely to make converts of some of the barbarians, for no good end, I dare say, but rather as those people would adopt such a practice, that is to say, like barbarians and not without licentiousness.
[9] καὶ οὐκ ἄνευ ὕβρεως. εἰδὼς οὖν αὐτὸν φιλόμηρον ὄντα περὶ τούτου εὐθὺς ἐπυνθανόμην. σχεδὸν δὲ καὶ πάντες οἱ Βορυσθενῖται περὶ τὸν ποιητὴν ἐσπουδάκασιν ἴσως διὰ τὸ πολεμικοὶ εἶναι ἔτι νῦν, εἰ μὴ ἄρα καὶ διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸν Ἀχιλλέα εὔνοιαν: τοῦτον μὲν γὰρ ὑπερφυῶς τιμῶσι, καὶ νεὼν τὸν μὲν ἐν τῇ νήσῳ τῇ Ἀχιλλέως καλουμένῃ ἵδρυνται, τὸν δὲ ἐν τῇ πόλει: ὥστε οὐδὲ ἀκούειν ὑπὲρ οὐδενὸς ἄλλου θέλουσιν ἢ Ὁμήρου. καὶ τἄλλα οὐκέτι σαφῶς ἑλληνίζοντες διὰ τὸ ἐν μέσοις οἰκεῖν τοῖς βαρβάροις ὅμως
[9] Knowing, then, that Callistratus was fond of Homer, I immediately began to question him about the poet. And practically all the people of Borysthenes also have cultivated an interest in Homer, possibly because of their still being a warlike people, although it may also be due to their regard for Achilles, for they honour him exceedingly, and they have actually established two temples for his worship, one on the island that bears his name and one in their city; and so they do not wish even to hear about any other poet than Homer. And although in general they no longer speak Greek distinctly, because they live in the midst of barbarians, still almost all at least know the Iliad by heart.
[10] τήν γε Ἰλιάδα ὀλίγου πάντες ἴσασιν ἀπὸ στόματος. εἶπον οὖν προσπαίζων πρὸς αὐτόν, Πότερόν σοι δοκεῖ, ὦ Καλλίστρατε, ἀμείνων ποιητὴς Ὅμηρος ἢ Φωκυλίδης; καὶ ὃς γελάσας ἔφη, Ἀλλ̓ οὐδὲ ἐπίσταμαι ἔγωγε τοῦ ἑτέρου ποιητοῦ τὸ ὄνομα, οἶμαι δὲ μηδὲ τούτων μηδένα. οὐδὲ γὰρ ἡγούμεθα ἡμεῖς ἄλλον τινὰ ποιητὴν ἢ Ὅμηρον. τοῦτον δὲ σχεδόν τι οὐδὲ ἄλλος οὐδεὶς ἀγνοεῖ. μόνου γὰρ Ὁμήρου μνημονεύουσιν οἱ ποιηταὶ αὐτῶν ἐν τοῖς ποιήμασιν, [p. 4] καὶ ἄλλως μὲν εἰώθασι λέγειν, ἀεὶ δὲ ὁπόταν μέλλωσι μάχεσθαι παρακελε
ύονται τοῖς αὑτῶν ὥσπερ τὰ Τυρταίου ἐν Λακεδαίμονι ἐλέγετο. εἰσὶ δὲ πάντες οὗτοι τυφλοὶ καὶ οὐχ ἡγοῦνται δυνατὸν
[10] Accordingly I said to him by way of jest, “Callistratus, which do you think is the better poet, Homer or Phocylides?” And he laughed and said, “Why, as for myself, I do not even know the other poet’s name, and I suppose that none of these men does, either. For we do not believe in any other poet than Homer. But as for Homer, you might say that no man alive is ignorant of him. For Homer is the only one whom their poets recall in their compositions, and it is their habit to recite his verses on many an occasion, but invariably they employ his poetry to inspire their troops when about to enter battle, just as the songs of Tyrtaeus used to be employed in Lacedaemon. Moreover, all these poets are blind, and they do not believe it possible for any one to become a poet otherwise.”
[11] εἶναι ἄλλως τινὰ ποιητὴν γενέσθαι. Τοῦτο μέν, ἔφην, ἀπολελαύκασιν οἱ ποιηταὶ αὐτῶν ἀπ᾽ Ὁμήρου ὥσπερ ἀπὸ ὀφθαλμίας. τὸν δὲ Φωκυλίδην ὑμεῖς μὲν οὐκ ἐπίστασθε, ὡς λέγεις: πάνυ δὲ τῶν ἐνδόξων γέγονε ποιητῶν. ὥσπερ οὖν ἐπειδάν τις τῶν ἐμπόρων καταπλεύσῃ πρὸς ὑμᾶς οὐ πρότερον παρα γεγονώς, οὐκ εὐθὺς ἠτιμάσατε αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ πρότερον γευσάμενοι τοῦ οἴνου, κἂν ἄλλο τι φορτίον ἄγῃ, δεῖγμα λαβόντες, ἐὰν μὲν ἀρέσῃ ὑμᾶς, ὠνεῖσθε, εἰ δὲ μή, ἐᾶτε: οὕτως, ἔφην, καὶ τῆς τοῦ Φωκυλίδου ποιήσεως ἔξεστί σοι λαβεῖν δεῖγμα ἐν βραχεῖ. καὶ γάρ ἐστιν οὐ τῶν μακράν τινα
Delphi Complete Works of Dio Chrysostom Page 298
