Indeed, Freitag had already expeditiously taken the precaution of relieving his most embarrassing and outspoken critic, Waffen-Hauptsturmführer Brygidyr from his command of I./WGR 29, and obtaining his dismissal. According to the commander of a sentry group at the main entrance in Neuhammer, (situated close to the jail) at the end of September military police arrived in a vehicle with Brygidyr who was put in the jail after which his name was entered on the jail register.77 His subsequent unceremonious discharge from the Waffen-SS on the request of the command of the 14.Waffen-Gren.Div. der SS and transferral to Reichssicherheitshauptamt B [Central Security Department—RSHA] is confirmed in the last document in his military service record.78 In his memoirs Waffen-Hauptsturmführer Dmytro Ferkuniak describes the reason for his expulsion thus:
[…] On 20 September Bisanz, Schulze (SS-Hauptsturmführer Dr Schulze who headed the ‘Ergänzungsamt der Waffen-SS, Ergänzungsstelle Warthe (XXi), Nebenstelle Lemberg’) and a Ukrainian member of the Military Board visited the Ukrainian Division. In the hall of the Division’s staff, Bisanz asked me about the behaviour of the Germans [at Brody]. I told him to go and ask the Germans themselves, they would tell him the truth. But Brygidyr told him everything, adding that it would be to the common good if Freitag were replaced. I went to Berlin on 22 September and when I returned two days later I was told that Freitag had ordered Brygidyr’s arrest and his transportation to Berlin to the Gestapo .[…]79
Within four weeks of the bestowal of the award, Freitag issued a Divisional order of the day addressed to ‘Men of my Division’. It read:
14. Waffen-Gren.div. der SS (galiz. Nr.1)
Div.st.qu.,d.19.10.44
Commander
The Führer has decorated me with the Knight’s Cross of the Iron Cross. I bear this high award for all of the brave and exemplary German and Ukrainian officers, NCOs and men of my division, who in those difficult days at Brody demonstrated in action, composure and character, what a soldier should be and created a tradition for the 1 Ukrainian Division.
For the Germans in my division, my decoration represents the highest praise and the recognition of their work in creating this division, and their bravery in the battle for the eternal future of our people. For the Ukrainians it represents similar recognition and the certainty that the Führer fully appreciates all the brave deeds of the Ukrainians, and also the certainty that he has full appreciation for the actions of the Ukrainians for their people and their homeland, in their fight for freedom.
We all wish to renew our vow to the Führer, that we will pursue unto victory, our joint battle against the Bolshevik hordes and their Jewish-plutocratic helpers.80
Freitag
SS-Brigadeführer und Generalmajor
der Waffen-SS Division commander
In this order, in which Freitag took the hitherto unprecedented step of singling out the contributions of the ‘brave and exemplary German and Ukrainian [author’s emphasis] officers, NCOs and men’,81 as a conciliatory act, for the first time in its text he referred to the Division as the ‘1 Ukrainian Division’.
In reality there was no real conviction behind this remarkable transition in his attitude towards the Ukrainians,82 but the facade however continued when nine days later he issued the following official directive dated 28 October concerning problems with political education and other matters in the Division:
Div.St.Qu.,d.28.10.44
1357/44
14.Waffen-Gren.Div. der SS (galiz.Nr1)
C O M M A N D E R
Re: Political Leadership of the Troops
Despite the fact that I have repeatedly emphasised the importance of the political leadership and the doctrinal education and care of the troops, I have discovered that this is still not being understood by all officers and NCOs.
I discovered one training course, of several weeks duration, where no lectures regarding political doctrine were given.
I further discovered that orders, in this case those concerning political leadership of the troops, have been put aside by desk staff without presenting them to the unit leader. These orders have thus not been passed on to the troops.
I know that the commanders are fully aware of the particular importance for our Division of political leadership. They make every effort to maintain full political control of their units. However as a result of the lack of understanding shown by some officers and NCOs everything that has been created by months of greatest effort, is being destroyed.
I know of one case, for example, where a unit leader who very nearly died as a result of his exemplary care for his men, but was deprived of any success in his training efforts, because of the total failure of his Stabsscharführer in the field of leadership.
If an officer now proudly reports to me that he has ordered that German and Ukrainian NCOs take their meals together, then I can only respond that this should have been taken for granted and that such an order should therefore have been given many months ago.
I have also discovered that men returning from training courses etc. and awaiting collection from the divisional garrison by their units, have been left waiting for days without rations or other care, simply because their units have failed to collect them.
In addition there are also units in which rations, cigarettes, etc. are being withheld from the men.
Such failure in personnel leadership destroys more than we can make good with years of greatest constructive effort.
I Command:
1. With immediate effect every German troop- and unit-leader, up to and including the rank of company leader, is to appoint a Ukrainian Verbindungsmann (Liaison Officer), who is given direct access and ability to make direct representations [to that leader].These men have the task of making the officers aware of any difficulties the officers may not be able to identify themselves as a result of barriers of rank or language. The names of the Liaison Officers are to be reported to the Div.Abt.VI by 5.11.44.
2. German officers and NCOs , particularly those newly transferred to the Division, must be constantly reminded of the political problem of this Division, and must apprise themselves of the appropriate guidelines for the political leadership of personnel.
I now wish to finally create a relationship of mutual trust between the German and Ukrainian men, as is required by the fighting community of our Division. I forbid any second rate treatment of Ukrainians. [author’s emphasis]
I will use appropriate organisations to convince myself that my orders are being carried out and in future I will in cases of ‘poor’ political leadership of the troops approach that leaders immediate superior regarding inadequate performance of duty.83
SS-Brigadeführer
Freitag
Distribution I + IV
und Generalmajor der Waffen-SS
Division Commander
Notwithstanding these and other minor problems such as inadequate food rations, in some aspects training proceeded more smoothly than it had with the first formation. This was partly due to the continuity gained by the preservation of the majority of the Division’s general staff and the experienced unit commanders who were able to organise and carry out training independently within their sections. For a short period of approximately five weeks instruction was conducted in the field, with special emphasis on active defence,84 hand to hand combat, night exercises, weapons training and route marches which all featured prominently in the schedule. In light of the experiences at Brody, members of supply and support units also received weapons training as well as the relevant specialist instruction. While some NCO courses and a limited amount of officer training was available within the Division, as before the majority of candidates were sent to various specialist Waffen-SS and Wehrmacht academies. Approximately 1,000 of its soldiers were also sent on instruction courses with Wehrmacht reserve units85 although ultimately not all returned to the Division for example Brody veteran Bohdan Kalba was assigned to a regular army unit.
A few of the best Ukrainian soldiers with battle experi
ence visited the youth camp in the Austrian village of Malta, to pass on the benefit of their combat experience to the young Ukrainians aged 15–18 whom the Germans had been recruiting in Galicia since April 1944.86 This was one of several camps in which the Germans placed young men (and women) recruited from both east and west Ukraine.87 Some received pre-military training prior to their wholesale conscription into the Luftwaffe as auxiliaries or Flak-helfers. In this capacity they served as anti-aircraft gunners, searchlight operators, or with signals and transport sections often in the most threatened cities such as Berlin, Dresden, and Hamburg.88 Michael Paziuk who attended the camp at Malta described his training:
[…] The first six weeks at the camp was dedicated to learning how to march properly and all the other drill movements required. Marching took place accompanied by singing. Each group was allocated two instructors, a German sergeant and a Ukrainian corporal who would act as interpreter. The camp commandant was a German officer and he was assisted by a Ukrainian sergeant who also acted as senior interpreter. Three substantial meals were provided each day and with all the exercises and fresh air we would need them. After each meal there was a compulsory rest period […] after six weeks of continuous drill our instructors informed us that we has reached a satisfactory standard. From then on the emphasis was on sport. At this point we were taught German by a Ukrainian professor and we were introduced to weapons training for the first time .[…]89
Other aspects of the training schedule included target practice, orienteering exercises and distance assessment tests.
Theoretically, on reaching the age of eighteen the young men could request transfer to the Galician Division where they would automatically qualify as officer and NCO candidates, however in practice the Luftwaffe jealously guarded these youths and did not encourage contact with the Division. Consequently, ultimately it was only from the Malta camp that approximately 280 youths were later reassigned after completion of their training.
From April 1944 the Germans recruited youths (both male and female) known as ‘Yunaky’ from Galicia aged 14-18 to undergo pre-military training as Flak-helpers at several youth camps such as this one at Malta in Austria.
Funeral of Konstantyn Kyrylko who died during training. The youth were allowed to collect one Edelweiss each (this was a protected flower) whilst gathering one, Kyrylko fell from the mountainside and died.
Three Yunaky with a horse at the Malta camp, Austria.
Sport and fitness was an integral part of the training programme along with orienteering and activates including football, boxing and swimming. There was also a secondary school curriculum and formal lessons in the German language for those whose studies had been interrupted.
Yunaky undergoing drill at Malta, Austria.
Wächter and Bisanz arrive for the official opening ceremony of the Chernyk camp in Perovorsk, near Jaroslav in the General Government. On the left Kriegsberichter Stephan Konrad records the event for the Divisional newspaper.
The Division took on the same organisational form as it had prior to the battle of Brody, that of a Type ‘44 Infantry Division and consisted of the same combat and support units with minor deviations. The three infantry regiments WGR 29, WGR 30 and WGR 31 were reformed with three instead of two battalions each, and the anti-aircraft detachment which formerly comprised of mixed heavy and light batteries was re-built as a combined Flak/Pak Abteilung90 with only one battery of 3.7 guns and approximately 200 personnel.91 The heavy battery of four highly prestigious high velocity 88 mm guns was never replaced.
In the reorganised Division the SS-Feldgendarmerie Trupp 14 was expanded from platoon to company strength with approximately one hundred men presumably to facilitate the enforcement of rigorous discipline. SS-Untersturmführer Wilhelm Drapatz92 (promoted SS-Obersturmführer 9 November 1944), was appointed commander (effective from 15 September 1944) and the whole unit was directly under Divisional command. All Drapatz’s officers and around half of the NCOs and men were German Volksdeutsch who spoke and understood Ukrainian. Equipped mostly with bicycles and a few motorcycles, according to a Ukrainian who served with the SS-Feldgendarmerie Trupp 14 the whole unit was never together in one place and the soldiers were always on duty in pairs (one German and one Ukrainian), so that a German was always present.93
A new sub-unit was also established (commanded by a German) after the Division obtained approximately fifty Alsatian dogs trained in security and tracking and volunteers for it were required to attend a three month training course for handlers at the ‘Research Station for Homing Pigeons and Dogs’ in Berlin.94 On return to the Division the handlers, many of whom such as Jaroslav Bobak and Mychailo Dudka, subsequently became very attached to their animals, were split and distributed to different sub units. The dogs were trained to find people hiding in trees and the undergrowth as well as locate buried mines. Later when engaged in anti-partisan operations in difficult or inaccessible terrain, the existence of this unit proved to be most advantageous. The dogs did however tire easily in response to which they were later transported between locations by a specially modified truck.
All types of equipment, weaponry and ammunition were in much shorter supply than they had been when the Division had first been formed, a problem which was felt most acutely in the Reserve Regiment which did not even have sufficient uniforms and shoes for its soldiers.95 It was even harder to obtain the necessary motorised vehicles of all types and the gasoline on which to run them. To make up for the shortfall a variety of makes and models were pressed into service including some captured French Renault vehicles and several two-three ton trucks were coveted to run on gas (in particular the Imbert wood burning pattern). These were utilised for transport and supply purposes,96 as were horses in large numbers.
Since a significant percentage of the Division’s quota of horses were in very poor condition or suffering from diseases, several ‘horse requisitioning’ parties were formed and dispatched to various localities throughout the General Government with the task of procuring animals for its various units. Taking advantage of the situation, some of the more disillusioned soldiers deserted while others found themselves engaged in pitched battles with partisans or even the leading units of the advancing Red Army.97
As a unit composed primarily of foreign nationals, permission was sought and given for it to establish a field hospital of its own. Thereafter its soldiers could be treated without having to be sent to Army reserve hospitals. The medical staff was predominantly German including the complement of thirty two nursing staff which worked under the overall direction of a German head nurse.98
The Division was also given the use of a rest home in the General Government, known as ‘Montana’ situated close to the well known spa town of Zakopane, in the Tatry Mountains. This home received its funding from the General Government and Ukrainian institutions such as the Military Board and the Ukrainian Central Committee. Here its most deserving soldiers, both German and Ukrainian and those who were recuperating from their wounds could convalesce amidst beautiful mountain scenery. Throughout the duration of their stay all normal duties were excused except in emergencies. Waffen-Grenadier Ostap Sokolsky who spent two weeks there in December 1944, recollected:
During my service with the Division, when I was stationed in the town of Krasne in Slovakia, while serving with 8./II./WGR 29, on or about 20 December 1944 on recommendation of our battalion medical doctor Waffen-Obersturmführer Slipenky, I was sent together with another man from the battalion for two weeks vacation to the Division’s rest house (resort) Montana near the city of Zakopane in Poland in the Tatry Mountain region. […] I arrived in the city by train, took a bryczku (horse drawn carriage) and drove to the Ortskommandatur where I reported that I would be staying at Montana for two weeks. From there we went by bryczku to Montana which was about 1 km outside the city. It was a grand elegant building on two levels (I believe) with the office, dining room, kitchen and a large hall located on the ground floor (plus rooms for residents and staff), and
rooms for those on leave on the second floor. As far as I remember there were about 30 soldiers from our Division there (soldiers and NCO’s no officers) and we were placed in separate rooms (four to a room, sleeping on bunk beds, I was on the upper bed). During our stay we performed no military functions or drills and just relaxed and went to the cinema (showing German newsreels and movies). Everywhere we went we were ordered to carry weapons for this was a ‘partisanengebiet’ (partisan region). […] some of my friends had their teeth fixed at the local dentists. In the city there was a local Polish theatre but it was for Poles only and we were not allowed to attend. We were also forbidden from having contact, or sex with Polish girls. In the Montana lodge a German NCO [with the rank of] Oberscharführer was in charge and he had several civilians in his staff. I remember that the cook was a Ukrainian lady and her daughter also worked there. In addition there were a couple of men working there, one of whom was from eastern Ukraine. There were no Polish employees. Food etc was delivered by local Polish tradesmen. We celebrated December 25 1944 Christmas there. We had received special Marketendenwaren (special packages that were distributed amongst the soldiers once a month, and on special occasions which included chocolate, cigarettes etc). We did not have to pay anything for our stay there. […] During our stay in Montana there was a partisan alarm and I was assigned to the ‘Nacht streife’ (night patrol). While on duty in the moonlit night, while standing by the animal food shack I noticed a person walking across the field towards me. I hid behind the shack and let him walk right up to me and only then, with an automatic rifle at the ready, I stopped him. I found him armed and upon speaking to him in Polish, I let him go. He thanked me and I told him that I too was a Ukrainian nationalist. There were no witnesses and I never reported it to the authorities.99
Stalin's Nemesis Page 4
