by Polybius
63. When this treaty was sent to Rome the people refused to accept it, but sent ten commissioners to examine into the business. Upon their arrival they made no change in the general terms of the treaty, but they introduced some slight alterations in the direction of increased severity towards Carthage. Thus they reduced the time allowed for the payment of the indemnity by one half; they added a thousand talents to the sum demanded; and extended the evacuation of Sicily to all islands lying between Sicily and Italy.
Such were the conditions on which the war was ended, after lasting twenty-four years continuously. It was at once the longest, most continuous, and most severely contested war known to us in history. Apart from the other battles fought and the preparations made, which I have described in my previous chapters, there were two sea fights, in one of which the combined numbers of the two fleets exceeded five hundred quinqueremes, in the other nearly approached seven hundred. In the course of the war, counting what were destroyed by shipwreck, the Romans lost seven hundred quinqueremes, the Carthaginians five hundred. Those therefore who have spoken with wonder of the sea-battles of an Antigonus, a Ptolemy, or a Demetrius, and the greatness of their fleets, would we may well believe have been overwhelmed with astonishment at the hugeness of these proportions if they had had to tell the story of this war. If, further, we take into consideration the superior size of the quinqueremes, compared with the triremes employed by the Persians against the Greeks, and again by the Athenians and Lacedaemonians in their wars with each other, we shall find that never in the whole history of the world have such enormous forces contended for mastery at sea.
These considerations will establish my original observation, and show the falseness of the opinion entertained by certain Greeks. It was not by mere chance or without knowing what they were doing that the Romans struck their bold stroke for universal supremacy and dominion, and justified their boldness by its success. No: it was the natural result of discipline gained in the stern school of difficulty and danger.
[1] καθίκοντο τῆς προθέσεως. καὶ τί δήποτ᾽ ἔστι τὸ αἴτιον, ἀπορήσαι τις ἄν, ὅτι κεκρατηκότες τῶν ὅλων καὶ πολλαπλασίαν ἔχοντες ὑπεροχὴν νῦν ἢ πρόσθεν οὔτ᾽ ἂν πληρῶσαι τοσαύτας ναῦς οὔτ᾽ ἀναπλεῦσαι τηλικούτοις στόλοις δυνηθεῖεν; [2] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν ταύτης τῆς ἀπορίας σαφῶς ἐξέσται τὰς αἰτίας κατανοεῖν, ὅταν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐξήγησιν αὐτῶν τῆς πολιτείας ἔλθωμεν: ὑπὲρ ἧς οὔθ᾽ ἡμῖν ἐν παρέργῳ ῥητέον οὔτε τοῖς ἀκούουσιν ἀργῶς προσεκτέον. [3] τὸ μὲν γὰρ θέαμα καλόν, σχεδὸν δ᾽ ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν ἄγνωστον ἕως τοῦ νῦν χάριν τῶν περὶ αὐτῆς συγγεγραφότων. [4] οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἠγνοήκασιν, οἱ δ᾽ ἀσαφῆ καὶ τελέως ἀνωφελῆ πεποίηνται τὴν ἐξήγησιν. [5] πλὴν ἔν γε τῷ προειρημένῳ πολέμῳ τὰς μὲν τῶν πολιτευμάτων ἀμφοτέρων προαιρέσεις ἐφαμίλλους εὕροι τις ἂν γεγενημένας οὐ μόνον ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῖς μεγαλοψυχίαις, μάλιστα δὲ τῇ περὶ τῶν πρωτείων φιλοτιμίᾳ, [6] τούς γε μὴν ἄνδρας οὐ μικρῷ πολλῷ δὲ γενναιοτέρους ἐν παντὶ Ῥωμαίους: ἡγεμόνα δὲ καὶ γνώμῃ καὶ τόλμῃ θετέον ἄριστον Ἀμίλκαν τῶν τότε γεγονέναι τὸν Βάρκαν ἐπικαλούμενον, πατέρα δὲ κατὰ φύσιν Ἀννίβου τοῦ μετὰ ταῦτα πολεμήσαντος Ῥωμαίοις.
64. And no doubt the question does naturally arise here as to why they find it impossible in our days to man so many ships, or take the sea with such large fleets, though masters of the world, and possessing a superiority over others many times as great as before. The explanation of this difficulty will be clearly understood when we come to the description of their civil constitution. I look upon this description as a most important part of my work, and one demanding close attention on the part of my readers. For the subject is calculated to afford pleasure in the contemplation, and is up to this time so to speak absolutely unknown, thanks to historians, some of whom have been ignorant, while others have given so confused an account of it as to be practically useless. For the present it suffices to say that, as far as the late war was concerned, the two nations were closely matched in the character of the designs they entertained, as well as in the lofty courage they showed in prosecuting them: and this is especially true of the eager ambition displayed on either side to secure the supremacy. But in the individual gallantry of their men the Romans had decidedly the advantage; while we must credit the Carthaginians with the best general of the day both for genius and daring. I mean Hamilcar Barcas, own father of Rome’s future enemy Hannibal.
[1] μετὰ δὲ τὰς διαλύσεις ταύτας ἴδιόν τι καὶ παραπλήσιον ἀμφοτέροις συνέβη παθεῖν. [2] ἐξεδέξατο γὰρ πόλεμος ἐμφύλιος Ῥωμαίους μὲν ὁ πρὸς τοὺς Φαλίσκους καλουμένους, ὃν ταχέως καὶ συμφερόντως ἐπετέλεσαν, ἐν ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις ἐγκρατεῖς γενόμενοι τῆς πόλεως αὐτῶν, [3] Καρχηδονίους δὲ κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν οὐ μικρὸς οὐδ᾽ εὐκαταφρόνητος ὁ πρὸς τοὺς ξένους καὶ τοὺς Νομάδας καὶ τοὺς ἅμα τούτοις ἀποστάντας Λίβυας, [4] ἐν ᾧ πολλοὺς καὶ μεγάλους ὑπομείναντες φόβους τέλος οὐ μόνον ὑπὲρ τῆς χώρας ἐκινδύνευσαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ σφῶν αὐτῶν καὶ τοῦ τῆς πατρίδος ἐδάφους. [5] ἐπὶ δὲ τὸν πόλεμον τοῦτον ἐπιστῆσαι μὲν ἄξιον διὰ πλείους αἰτίας, ἐπὶ κεφαλαίου δὲ καὶ διὰ βραχέων αὐτοῦ ποιήσασθαι τὴν ἐξήγησιν κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πρόθεσιν. [6] τόν τε γὰρ παρὰ τοῖς πολλοῖς λεγόμενον ἄσπονδον πόλεμον, τίνα φύσιν ἔχει καὶ διάθεσιν, μάλιστ᾽ ἄν τις ἐκ τῶν τότε γεγονότων ἐπιγνοίη, [7] τούς τε χρωμένους μισθοφορικαῖς δυνάμεσι τίνα δεῖ προορᾶσθαι καὶ φυλάττεσθαι μακρόθεν, ἐναργέστατ᾽ ἂν ἐκ τῆς τότε περιστάσεως συνθεωρήσειεν, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τί διαφέρει καὶ κατὰ πόσον ἤθη σύμμικτα καὶ βάρβαρα τῶν ἐν παιδείαις καὶ νόμοις καὶ πολιτικοῖς ἔθεσιν ἐκτεθραμμένων: [8] τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, τὰς αἰτίας ἐκ τῶν ἐν ἐκείνοις τοῖς καιροῖς πεπραγμένων κατανοήσειεν, δι᾽ ἃς ὁ κατ᾽ Ἀννίβαν συνέστη Ῥωμαίοις καὶ Καρχηδονίοις πόλεμος. [9] ὑπὲρ οὗ διὰ τὸ μὴ μόνον παρὰ τοῖς συγγραφεῦσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ τοῖς πεπολεμηκόσιν ἔτι νῦν ἀμφισβητεῖσθαι τὰς αἰτίας, χρήσιμόν ἐστι τὴν ἀληθινωτάτην παραστῆσαι διάληψιν τοῖς φιλομαθοῦσιν.
65. The confirmation of this peace was followed by events which involved both nations in a struggle of an identical or similar nature. At Rome the late war was succeeded by a social war against the Faliscans, which, however, they brought to a speedy and successful termination by the capture of Falerii after only a few days’ siege. The Carthaginians
were not so fortunate. Just about the same time they found themselves confronted by three enemies at once, their own mercenaries, the Numidians, and such Libyans as joined the former in their revolt. And this war proved to be neither insignificant nor contemptible. It exposed them to frequent and terrible alarms; and, finally, it became a question to them not merely of a loss of territory, but of their own bare existence, and of the safety of the very walls and buildings of their city. There are many reasons that make it worth while to dwell upon the history of this war: yet I must give only a summary account of it, in accordance with the original plan of this work. The nature and peculiar ferocity of the struggle, which has been generally called the “truceless war,” may be best learnt from its incidents. It conveys two important lessons: it most conspicuously shows those who employ mercenaries what dangers they should foresee and provide against; and secondly, it teaches how wide the distinction is between the character of troops composed of a confused mass of uncivilised tribes, and of those which have had the benefit of education, the habits of social life, and the restraints of law. But what is of most importance to us is, that we may trace from the actual events of this period the causes which led to the war between Rome and Carthage in the time of Hannibal. These causes have not only been a subject of dispute among historians, but still continue to be so among those who were actually engaged; it is therefore a matter of importance to enable students to form an opinion on this matter as nearly as possible in accordance with the truth.
[1] ὡς γὰρ θᾶττον ἐπιτελεσθεισῶν τῶν προειρημένων διαλύσεων ἀποκατέστησε τὰς περὶ τὸν Ἔρυκα δυνάμεις εἰς τὸ Λιλύβαιον ὁ Βάρκας, εὐθέως αὐτὸς μὲν ἀπέθετο τὴν ἀρχήν, ὁ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῆς πόλεως στρατηγὸς Γέσκων ἐγίνετο περὶ τὸ περαιοῦν τοὺς στρατιώτας εἰς τὴν Λιβύην. [2] προϊδόμενος δὲ τὸ μέλλον ἐμφρόνως ἐνεβίβαζε κατὰ μέρη διαιρῶν αὐτοὺς καὶ διαλείμματα ποιῶν τῆς ἐξαποστολῆς, [3] βουλόμενος ἀναστροφὴν διδόναι τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις εἰς τὸ τοὺς καταπλεύσαντας καὶ μισθοδοτηθέντας τὰ προσοφειλόμενα τῶν ὀψωνίων φθάνειν ἀπαλλαττομένους ἐκ τῆς Καρχηδόνος εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν πρὶν ἢ τοὺς ἑξῆς περαιουμένους ἐπικαταλαβεῖν. [4] ὁ μὲν οὖν Γέσκων ἐχόμενος ταύτης τῆς ἐννοίας οὕτως ἐχείριζε τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἐξαποστολήν. [5] οἱ δὲ Καρχηδόνιοι τὰ μὲν οὐκ εὐπορούμενοι χρημάτων διὰ τὰς προγεγενημένας δαπάνας, τὰ δὲ καὶ πεπεισμένοι παραιτήσεσθαι τοὺς μισθοφόρους μέρος τι τῶν προσοφειλομένων ὀψωνίων, ἐὰν καὶ συναθροίσωσι καὶ δέξωνται πάντας εἰς τὴν Καρχηδόνα, παρακατεῖχον ἐκεῖ τοὺς καταπλέοντας διὰ ταύτην τὴν ἐλπίδα καὶ συνεῖχον ἐν τῇ πόλει. [6] γινομένων δὲ πλειόνων ἀδικημάτων καὶ νύκτωρ καὶ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὑπιδόμενοι τὸν ὄχλον καὶ τὴν συμβαίνουσαν ἀκρασίαν ἠξίωσαν τοὺς ἡγεμόνας, ἕως ἂν ἑτοιμασθῇ μὲν τὰ κατὰ τὰς σιταρχίας αὐτοῖς, προσδέξωνται δὲ τοὺς ἀπολειπομένους, ἀναχωρῆσαι πάντας εἴς τινα πόλιν τὴν προσαγορευομένην Σίκκαν, λαβόντας εἰς τὰ κατεπείγοντα χρυσοῦν ἕκαστον. [7] προθύμως δὲ συνυπακουσάντων πρὸς τὴν ἔξοδον καὶ βουλομένων αὐτοῦ καταλιπεῖν τὰς ἀποσκευάς, καθάπερ καὶ τὸν πρῶτον χρόνον ὑπῆρχον, ὡς θᾶττον ἐσομένης τῆς ἐπανόδου πρὸς τοὺς ὀψωνιασμούς, [8] ἀγωνιῶντες οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι μή ποτε διὰ χρόνου παραγεγονότες, καὶ τινὲς μὲν τέκνων ἔνιοι δὲ καὶ γυναικῶν ἱμείροντες, οἱ μὲν οὐκ ἐκπορευθῶσι τὸ παράπαν, οἱ δ᾽ ἐκπορευθέντες αὖθις ἀνακάμπτωσι πρὸς ταῦτα, καὶ τῷ τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ μηδὲν ἧττον ἀδίκημα γίνηται κατὰ τὴν πόλιν, [9] ταῦτα προορώμενοι μετὰ πολλῆς ἀπεχθείας οὐδαμῶς βουλομένους τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἠνάγκασαν τὰς ἀποσκευὰς μεθ᾽ αὑτῶν ἀπαγαγεῖν. [10] οἱ δὲ μισθοφόροι συναναχθέντες εἰς τὴν Σίκκαν καὶ διὰ πολλοῦ χρόνου τετευχότες ἀνέσεως καὶ σχολῆς, ὅπερ ἀφυέστατον ὑπάρχει ξενικαῖς δυνάμεσι καὶ σχεδὸν ὡς εἰπεῖν ἀρχηγὸν καὶ μόνον αἴτιον γίνεται στάσεως, διῆγον ἀδεῶς. [11] ἅμα δὲ ῥᾳθυμοῦντες, τινὲς μὲν αὐτῶν ἐξελογίζοντο τὰ προσοφειλόμενα σφίσι τῶν ὀψωνίων ἐπὶ τὸ πλεῖον καὶ συγκεφαλαιούμενοι πολλαπλάσια τῶν καθηκόντων ταῦτ᾽ ἔφασαν δεῖν ἀπαιτεῖν τοὺς Καρχηδονίους: [12] πάντες δ᾽ ἀναμιμνησκόμενοι τῶν ἐπαγγελιῶν, ὧν οἱ στρατηγοὶ κατὰ τοὺς ἐπισφαλεῖς τῶν καιρῶν παρακαλοῦντες σφᾶς ἐπεποίηντο, μεγάλας εἶχον ἐλπίδας καὶ μεγάλην προσδοκίαν τῆς ἐσο
66. The course of events at Carthage subsequent to the peace was as follows: As soon as possible after it was finally ratified Barcas withdrew the troops at Eryx to Lilybaeum, and then immediately laid down his command. Gesco, who was commandant of the town, proceeded to transport the soldiers into Libya. But foreseeing what was likely to happen, he very prudently embarked them in detachments, and did not send them all in one voyage. His object was to gain time for the Carthaginian government; so that one detachment should come to shore, receive the pay due to them, and depart from Carthage to their own country, before the next detachment was brought across and joined them. In accordance with this idea Gesco began the transportation of the troops. But the Government — partly because the recent expenses had reduced their finances to a low ebb, partly because they felt certain that, if they collected the whole force and entertained them in Carthage, they would be able to persuade the mercenaries to accept something less than the whole pay due to them — did not dismiss the detachments as they landed, but kept them massed in the city. But when this resulted in the commission of many acts of lawlessness by night and day, they began to feel uneasy at their numbers and their growing licentiousness; and required the officers, until such time as arrangements for discharging their pay should have been made, and the rest of the army should have arrived, to withdraw with all their men to a certain town called Sicca, receiving each a piece of gold for their immediate necessities. As far as quitting the city was concerned they were ready enough to obey; but they desired to leave their heavy baggage there as before, on the ground that they would soon have to return to the city for their wages. But the Carthaginian government were in terror lest, considering the length of their absence and their natural desire for the society of wives or children, they would either not quit the city at all; or, if they did, would be sure to be enticed by these feelings to return, and that thus there would be no decrease of outrages in the city. Accordingly they forced them to take their baggage with them: but it was sorely against the will of the men, and roused strong feelings of animosity among them. These mercenaries b
eing forced to retire to Sicca, lived there as they chose without any restraint upon their lawlessness. For they had obtained two things the most demoralising for hired forces, and which in a word are in themselves the all-sufficient source and origin of mutinies, — relaxation of discipline and want of employment. For lack of something better to do, some of them began calculating, always to their own advantage, the amount of pay owing to them; and thus making out the total to be many times more than was really due, they gave out that this was the amount which they ought to demand from the Carthaginians. Moreover they all began to call to mind the promises made to them by the generals in their harangues, delivered on various occasions of special danger, and to entertain high hopes and great expectations of the amount of compensation which awaited them. The natural result followed.
[1] μένης περὶ αὐτοὺς ἐπανορθώσεως. διόπερ ἅμα τῷ συλλεχθῆναι πάντας εἰς τὴν Σίκκαν, καὶ παραγενόμενον Ἄννωνα τὸν ὑπάρχοντα στρατηγὸν ἐν τῇ Λιβύῃ τότε τῶν Καρχηδονίων μὴ οἷον τὰς ἐλπίδας καὶ τὰς ἐπαγγελίας ἐκπληροῦν, ἀλλὰ τοὐναντίον λέγοντα τὸ βάρος τῶν φόρων καὶ τὴν καθόλου στενοχωρίαν τῆς πόλεως ἐγχειρεῖν παραιτεῖσθαι μέρος τι τῶν ἐξ ὁμολόγου προσοφειλομένων ὀψωνίων, [2] εὐθέως διαφορὰ καὶ στάσις ἐγεννᾶτο καὶ συνδρομαὶ συνεχεῖς ἐγίνοντο, ποτὲ μὲν κατὰ γένη, ποτὲ δ᾽ ὁμοῦ πάντων. [3] ὡς δ᾽ ἂν μήθ᾽ ὁμοεθνῶν μήθ᾽ ὁμογλώττων ὑπαρχόντων, ἦν ἀμιξίας καὶ θορύβου καὶ τῆς λεγομένης τύρβης πλῆρες τὸ στρατόπεδον. [4] Καρχηδόνιοι γὰρ ἀεὶ χρώμενοι ποικίλαις καὶ μισθοφορικαῖς δυνάμεσιν, πρὸς μὲν τὸ μὴ ταχέως συμφρονήσαντας ἀπειθεῖν μηδὲ δυσκαταπλήκτους εἶναι τοῖς ἡγουμένοις ὀρθῶς στοχάζονται, ποιοῦντες ἐκ πολλῶν γενῶν τὴν δύναμιν, [5] πρὸς δὲ τὸ γενομένης ὀργῆς ἢ διαβολῆς ἢ στάσεως διδάξαι καὶ πραῧναι καὶ μεταθεῖναι τοὺς ἠγνοηκότας ὁλοσχερῶς ἀστοχοῦσιν. [6] οὐ γὰρ οἷον ἀνθρωπίνῃ χρῆσθαι κακίᾳ συμβαίνει τὰς τοιαύτας δυνάμεις, ὅταν ἅπαξ εἰς ὀργὴν καὶ διαβολὴν ἐμπέσωσι πρός τινας, ἀλλ᾽ ἀποθηριοῦσθαι τὸ τελευταῖον καὶ παραστατικὴν λαμβάνειν διάθεσιν. [7] ὃ καὶ τότε συνέβη γενέσθαι περὶ αὐτούς: ἦσαν γὰρ οἱ μὲν Ἴβηρες, οἱ δὲ Κελτοί, τινὲς δὲ Λιγυστῖνοι καὶ Βαλιαρεῖς, οὐκ ὀλίγοι δὲ μιξέλληνες, ὧν οἱ πλείους αὐτόμολοι καὶ δοῦλοι: τὸ δὲ μέγιστον μέρος αὐτῶν ἦν Λίβυες. [8] διόπερ οὔτ᾽ ἐκκλησιάσαι συναθροίσαντα πάντας ὁμοῦ δυνατὸν ἦν οὔτ᾽ ἄλλην οὐδεμίαν εὑρέσθαι πρὸς τοῦτο μηχανήν. [9] πῶς γὰρ οἷόν τε; τὸν μὲν γὰρ στρατηγὸν εἰδέναι τὰς ἑκάστων διαλέκτους ἀδύνατον: διὰ πλειόνων δ᾽ ἑρμηνέων ἐκκλησιάζειν, ἅμα τετράκις καὶ πεντάκις περὶ ταὐτοῦ λέγοντα πράγματος, σχεδὸν ὡς εἰπεῖν ἔτι τοῦ πρόσθεν ἀδυνατώτερον. [10] λοιπὸν ἦν διὰ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ποιεῖσθαι τὰς ἀξιώσεις καὶ παρακλήσεις: ὅπερ ἐπειρᾶτο τότε συνεχῶς ποιεῖν [ὁ] Ἄννων. [11] ἀκμὴν δὲ καὶ τούτους συνέβαινεν ἃ μὲν οὐκ αἰσθάνεσθαι τῶν λεγομένων, ἃ δὲ καὶ συναινέσαντας ἐνίοτε τῷ στρατηγῷ τἀναντία πρὸς τοὺς πολλοὺς ἀναγγέλλειν, τοὺς μὲν δι᾽ ἄγνοιαν, τοὺς δὲ διὰ κακίαν: ἐξ ὧν ἦν ἀσαφείας, ἀπιστίας, ἀμιξίας ἅπαντα πλήρη. [12] πρὸς γὰρ τοῖς ἄλλοις ᾤοντο καὶ τοὺς Καρχηδονίους ἐπίτηδες τοὺς μὲν εἰδότας στρατηγοὺς τὰς γεγενημένας χρείας κατὰ Σικελίαν ἐξ αὐτῶν καὶ πεποιημένους σφίσι τὰς ἐπαγγελίας οὐκ ἐξαποστέλλειν ὡς αὐτούς, τὸν δὲ μηδενὶ τούτων παρηκολουθηκότα τοῦτον ἐκπεπομφέναι. [13] τέλος δ᾽ οὖν ἀπαξιώσαντες μὲν τὸν Ἄννωνα, διαπιστήσαντες δὲ τοῖς κατὰ μέρος ἡγεμόσιν, ἐξοργισθέντες δὲ πρὸς τοὺς Καρχηδονίους ὥρμησαν πρὸς τὴν πόλιν: καὶ κατεστρατοπέδευσαν ἀπέχοντες ὡς ἂν ἑκατὸν καὶ εἴκοσι στάδια τῆς Καρχηδόνος ἐπὶ τῷ καλουμένῳ Τύνητι, πλείους ὄντες τῶν δισμυρίων.
