by Polybius
[1] εἰς Ἄρατον γενομένην ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀσέλγειαν: οἱ δ᾽ Αἰτωλοὶ τὰ μὲν ἔσπευδον ποιήσασθαι τὴν εἰρήνην, πιεζόμενοι τῷ πολέμῳ, καὶ παρὰ δόξαν αὐτοῖς προχωρούντων τῶν πραγμάτων — [2] ἐλπίσαντες γὰρ ὡς παιδίῳ νηπίῳ χρήσασθαι τῷ Φιλίππῳ διά τε τὴν ἡλικίαν καὶ τὴν ἀπειρίαν, τὸν μὲν Φίλιππον εὗρον τέλειον ἄνδρα καὶ κατὰ τὰς ἐπιβολὰς καὶ κατὰ τὰς πράξεις, αὐτοὶ δ᾽ ἐφάνησαν εὐκαταφρόνητοι καὶ παιδαριώδεις ἔν τε τοῖς κατὰ μέρος καὶ τοῖς καθόλου πράγμασιν — [3] ἅμα δὲ προσπιπτούσης αὐτοῖς τῆς τε περὶ τοὺς πελταστὰς γενομένης ταραχῆς καὶ τῆς τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀπελλῆν καὶ Λεόντιον ἀπωλείας ἐλπίσαντες μέγα τι καὶ δυσχερὲς κίνημα περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν εἶναι, παρεῖλκον ὑπερτιθέμενοι τὴν ἐπὶ τὸ Ῥίον ταχθεῖσαν ἡμέραν. [4] ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος, ἀσμένως ἐπιλαβόμενος τῆς προφάσεως ταύτης διὰ τὸ θαρρεῖν ἐπὶ τῷ πολέμῳ, καὶ προδιειληφὼς ἀποτρίβεσθαι τὰς διαλύσεις, τότε παρακαλέσας τοὺς ἀπηντηκότας τῶν συμμάχων οὐ τὰ πρὸς διαλύσεις πράττειν, ἀλλὰ τὰ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον, ἀναχθεὶς αὖτις ἀπέπλευσεν εἰς τὸν Κόρινθον. [5] καὶ τοὺς μὲν Μακεδόνας διὰ Θετταλίας ἀπέλυσε πάντας εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν παραχειμάσοντας, αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἀναχθεὶς ἐκ Κεγχρεῶν, καὶ παρὰ τὴν Ἀττικὴν κομισθεὶς δι᾽ Εὐρίπου, κατέπλευσεν εἰς Δημητριάδα: [6] κἀκεῖ Πτολεμαῖον, ὃς ἦν ἔτι λοιπὸς τῆς τῶν περὶ τὸν Λεόντιον ἑταιρείας, κρίνας ἐν τοῖς Μακεδόσιν ἀπέκτεινε. [7] κατὰ δὲ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους Ἀννίβας μὲν εἰς Ἰταλίαν ἐμβεβληκὼς ἀντεστρατοπέδευε ταῖς τῶν Ῥωμαίων δυνάμεσι περὶ τὸν Πάδον καλούμενον ποταμόν, [8] Ἀντίοχος δὲ τὰ πλεῖστα μέρη Κοίλης Συρίας κατεστραμμένος αὖτις εἰς παραχειμασίαν ἀνέλυσε, Λυκοῦργος δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων εἰς Αἰτωλίαν ἔφυγε, καταπλαγεὶς τοὺς ἐφόρους. [9] οἱ γὰρ ἔφοροι, προσπεσούσης αὐτοῖς ψευδοῦς διαβολῆς, ὡς μέλλοντος αὐτοῦ νεωτερίζειν, ἁθροίσαντες τοὺς νέους νυκτὸς ἦλθον ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν: ὁ δὲ προαισθόμενος ἐξεχώρησε μετὰ τῶν ἰδίων οἰκετῶν.
29. Now the Aetolians were at first very anxious for the ratification of a peace, because they found the war burdensome, and because things had not gone as they expected. For, looking to his tender years and lack of experience, they had expected to have a mere child to deal with in Philip; but had found him a full-grown man both in his designs and his manner of executing them: while they had themselves made a display of imbecility and childishness alike in the general conduct, and the particular actions, of the campaign. But as soon as they heard of the outbreak of the disturbance among the peltasts, and of the deaths of Apelles and Leontius, hoping that there was a serious and formidable disaffection at the court, they procrastinated until they had outstayed the day appointed for the meeting at Rhium. But Philip was delighted to seize the pretext: for he felt confident of success in the war, and had already resolved to avoid coming to terms. He therefore at once exhorted such of the allies as had come to meet him to make preparations, not for the peace, but for war; and putting to sea again sailed back to Corinth. He then dismissed his Macedonian soldiers to go home through Thessaly for the winter: while he himself putting to sea from Cenchreae, and coasting along Attica, sailed through the Euripus to Demetrias, and there before a jury of Macedonians had Ptolemy tried and put to death, who was the last survivor of the conspiracy of Leontius.
It was in this season that Hannibal, having succeeded in entering Italy, was lying encamped in presence of the Roman army in the valley of the Padus. Antiochus, after subduing the greater part of Coele-Syria, had once more dismissed his army into winter quarters. The Spartan king Lycurgus fled to Aetolia in fear of the Ephors: for acting on a false charge that he was meditating a coup d’état, they had collected the young men and come to his house at night. But getting previous intimation of what was impending, he had quitted the town accompanied by the members of his household.
[1] τοῦ δὲ χειμῶνος ἐπιγενομένου, καὶ Φιλίππου μὲν τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἀπηλλαγμένου, τοῦ δ᾽ Ἐπηράτου τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν καταπεφρονημένου μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτικῶν νεανίσκων, κατεγνωσμένου δὲ τελέως ὑπὸ τῶν μισθοφόρων, οὔτ᾽ ἐπειθάρχει τοῖς παραγγελλομένοις οὐδεὶς οὔτ᾽ ἦν ἕτοιμον οὐδὲν πρὸς τὴν τῆς χώρας βοήθειαν. [2] εἰς ἃ βλέψας Πυρρίας ὁ παρὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἀπεσταλμένος στρατηγὸς τοῖς Ἠλείοις, ἔχων Αἰτωλῶν εἰς χιλίους καὶ τριακοσίους καὶ τοὺς τῶν Ἠλείων μισθοφόρους, ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πολιτικοὺς πεζοὺς μὲν εἰς χιλίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ διακοσίους, ὥστ᾽ εἶναι τοὺς πάντας εἰς τρισχιλίους, [3] οὐ μόνον τὴν τῶν Δυμαίων καὶ Φαραιέων συνεχῶς ἐπόρθει χώραν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν τῶν Πατρέων. [4] τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον ἐπὶ τὸ Παναχαϊκὸν ὄρος καλούμενον ἐπιστρατοπεδεύσας, τὸ κείμενον ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν Πατρέων πόλεως, ἐδῄου πᾶσαν τὴν ἐπὶ τὸ Ῥίον καὶ τὴν ἐπ᾽ Αἴγιον κεκλιμένην χώραν. [5] λοιπὸν αἱ μὲν πόλεις κακοπαθοῦσαι καὶ μὴ τυγχάνουσαι βοηθείας δυσχερῶς πως εἶχον πρὸς τὰς εἰσφοράς, οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται, τῶν ὀψωνίων παρελκομένων καὶ καθυστερούντων, τὸ παραπλήσιον ἐποίουν περὶ τὰς βοηθείας: [6] ἐξ ἀμφοῖν δὲ τῆς τοιαύτης ἀνταποδόσεως γινομένης, ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον προύβαινε τὰ πράγματα καὶ τέλος διελύθη τὸ ξενικόν. πάντα δὲ ταῦτα συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι διὰ τὴν τοῦ προεστῶτος ἀδυναμίαν. [7] ἐν τοιαύτῃ δ᾽ ὄντων διαθέσει τῶν κατὰ τοὺς Ἀχαιούς, καὶ τῶν χρόνων ἤδη καθηκόντων, Ἐπήρατος μὲν ἀπετίθετο τὴν ἀρχήν, οἱ δ᾽ Ἀχαιοὶ τῆς θερείας ἐναρχομένης στρατηγὸν αὑτῶν Ἄρατον κατέστησαν τὸν πρεσβύτερον. καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην ἐν τούτοις ἦν. [8] ἡμεῖς δ᾽ ἐπειδὴ κατά τε τὴν τῶν χρόνων διαίρεσιν καὶ κατὰ τὴν τῶν πράξεων περιγραφὴν ἁρμόζοντα τόπον εἰλήφαμεν, μεταβάντες ἐπὶ τὰς κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν πράξεις τὰς κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν ὀλυμπιάδα τοῖς προειρημένοις ἐπιτελεσθείσας �
�ὖτις ὑπὲρ ἐκείνων ποιησό
30. When the next winter came, Philip having departed to Macedonia, and the Achaean Strategus Eperatus having incurred the contempt of the Achaean soldiers and the complete disregard of the mercenaries, no one would obey his orders, and no preparation was made for the defence of the country. This was observed by Pyrrhias, who had been sent by the Aetolians to command the Eleans. He had under him a force of thirteen hundred Aetolians, and the mercenaries hired by the Eleans, as well as a thousand Elean infantry and two hundred Elean cavalry, amounting in all to three thousand: and he now began committing frequent raids, not only upon the territories of Dyme and Pharae, but upon that of Patrae also. Finally he pitched his camp on what is called the Panachaean Mountain, which commands the town of Patrae, and began wasting the whole district towards Rhium and Aegium. The result was that the cities, being exposed to much suffering, and unable to obtain any assistance, began to make difficulties about paying their contribution to the league; and the soldiers finding their pay always in arrear and never paid at the right time acted in the same way about going to the relief of the towns. Both parties thus mutually retaliating on each other, affairs went from bad to worse, and at last the foreign contingent broke up altogether. And all this was the result of the incompetence of the chief magistrate. The time for the next election finding Achaean affairs in this state, Eperatus laid down his office, and just at the beginning of summer Aratus the elder was elected Strategus.
Such was the position of affairs in Europe. We have now arrived at a proper juncture, both of events and of time, to transfer our narrative to the history of Asia. I will therefore resume my story of the transactions which occurred there during the same Olympiad.
[1] μεθα τὴν ἐξήγησιν, καὶ πρῶτον ἐπιχειρήσομεν δηλοῦν κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πρόθεσιν τὸν ὑπὲρ Κοίλης Συρίας Ἀντιόχῳ καὶ Πτολεμαίῳ συστάντα πόλεμον, [2] σαφῶς μὲν γινώσκοντες ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον, εἰς ὃν ἐλήξαμεν τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν, ὅσον οὔπω κρίνεσθαι συνέβαινε καὶ πέρας λαμβάνειν αὐτόν, αἱρούμενοι δὲ τὴν τοιαύτην ἐπίστασιν καὶ διαίρεσιν τῆς ἐνεστώσης διηγήσεως. [3] τοῦ μὲν γὰρ μὴ τῆς τῶν κατὰ μέρος καιρῶν ἀκριβείας διαμαρτάνειν τοὺς ἀκούοντας ἱκανὴν τοῖς φιλομαθοῦσι πεπείσμεθα παρασκευάζειν ἐμπειρίαν ἐκ τοῦ τὰς ἑκάστων ἀρχὰς καὶ συντελείας παρυπομιμνήσκειν, καθ᾽ ὁποίους ἐγίνοντο καιροὺς τῆς ὑποκειμένης ὀλυμπιάδος καὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν πράξεων: [4] τὸ δ᾽ εὐπαρακολούθητον καὶ σαφῆ γίνεσθαι τὴν διήγησιν οὐδὲν ἀναγκαιότερον ἐπὶ ταύτης τῆς ὀλυμπιάδος ἡγούμεθ᾽ εἶναι τοῦ μὴ συμπλέκειν ἀλλήλαις τὰς πράξεις, ἀλλὰ χωρίζειν καὶ διαιρεῖν αὐτὰς καθ᾽ ὅσον ἐστὶ δυνατόν, [5] μέχρις ἂν ἐπὶ τὰς ἑξῆς ὀλυμπιάδας ἐλθόντες κατ᾽ ἔτος ἀρξώμεθα γράφειν τὰς κατάλληλα γενομένας πράξεις. ἐπεὶ γὰρ οὐ τινά, [6] τὰ δὲ παρὰ πᾶσι γεγονότα γράφειν προῃρήμεθα, καὶ σχεδὸν ὡς εἰπεῖν μεγίστῃ τῶν προγεγονότων ἐπιβολῇ κεχρήμεθα τῆς ἱστορίας, καθάπερ καὶ πρότερόν που δεδηλώκαμεν, [7] δέον ἂν εἴη μεγίστην ἡμᾶς ποιεῖσθαι πρόνοιαν καὶ τοῦ χειρισμοῦ καὶ τῆς οἰκονομίας, ἵνα καὶ κατὰ μέρος καὶ καθόλου σαφὲς τὸ σύνταγμα γίνηται τῆς πραγματείας. [8] διὸ καὶ νῦν βραχὺ προσαναδραμόντες περὶ τῆς Ἀντιόχου καὶ Πτολεμαίου βασιλείας πειρασόμεθα λαμβάνειν ἀρχὰς ὁμολογουμένας καὶ γνωριζομένας περὶ τῶν λέγεσθαι μελλόντων, ὅπερ ἐστὶ πάντων ἀναγκαιό
31. I will first endeavour, in accordance with my original plan, to give an account of the war between Antiochus and Ptolemy for the possession of Coele-Syria. Though I am fully aware that at the period, at which I have stopped in my Greek history, this war was all but decided and concluded, I have yet deliberately chosen this particular break and division in my narrative; believing that I shall effectually provide against the possibility of mistakes on the part of my readers in regard to dates, if I indicate in the course of my narrative the years in this Olympiad in which the events in the several parts of the world, as well as in Greece, began and ended. For I think nothing more essential to the clearness of my history of this Olympiad than to avoid confusing the several narratives. Our object should be to distinguish and keep them separate as much as possible, until we come to the next Olympiad, and begin setting down the contemporary events in the several countries under each year. For since I have undertaken to write, not a particular, but a universal history, and have ventured upon a plan on a greater scale, as I have already shown, than any of my predecessors, it will be necessary also for me to take greater care than they, as to my method of treatment and arrangement; so as to secure clearness, both in the details, and in the general view adopted in my history. I will accordingly go back a short way in the history of the kingdoms of Antiochus and Ptolemy, and try to fix upon a starting-point for my narrative which shall be accepted and recognised by all: for this is a matter of the first importance.
[1] τατον. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἀρχαῖοι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἥμισυ τοῦ παντὸς εἶναι φάσκοντες μεγίστην παρῄνουν ποιεῖσθαι σπουδὴν ἐν ἑκάστοις ὑπὲρ τοῦ καλῶς ἄρξασθαι: [2] δοκοῦντες δὴ λέγειν ὑπερβολικῶς ἐλλιπέστερόν μοι φαίνονται τῆς ἀληθείας εἰρηκέναι. θαρρῶν γὰρ ἄν τις εἴπειεν οὐχ ἥμισυ τὴν ἀρχὴν εἶναι τοῦ παντός, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὸ τέλος διατείνειν. [3] πῶς γὰρ ἄρξασθαί τινος καλῶς οἷόν τε μὴ προπεριλαβόντα τῷ νῷ τὴν συντέλειαν τῆς ἐπιβολῆς μηδὲ γινώσκοντα ποῦ καὶ πρὸς τί καὶ τίνος χάριν ἐπιβάλλεται τοῦτο ποιεῖν; [4] πῶς δὲ πάλιν οἷόν τε συγκεφαλαιώσασθαι πράγματα δεόντως μὴ συναναφέροντα τὴν ἀρχὴν πόθεν ἢ πῶς ἢ διὰ τί πρὸς τὰς ἐνεστώσας ἀφῖκται πράξεις; [5] διόπερ οὐχ ἕως τοῦ μέσου νομίζοντας διατείνειν τὰς ἀρχάς, ἀλλ᾽ ἕως τοῦ τέλους, πλείστην περὶ ταύτας ποιητέον σπουδὴν καὶ τοὺς λέγοντας καὶ τοὺς ἀκούοντας περὶ τῶν ὅλων. ὃ δὴ καὶ νῦν ἡμεῖς πειρασόμεθα ποιεῖν.
32. For the old saying, “Well begun is half done,” was meant by its inventors to urge the importance of taking the greater pains to make a good beginning than anything else. And though some may consider this an exaggeration, in my opinion it comes short of the truth; for one might say with confidence, not that “the beginning was half the business,” but rather that it was near being the whole. For how can one make a good beginning without having first grasped in thought the complete plan, or without knowing where, with what object, and with what purpose he is undertaking the business? Or how can a man sum up a series of events satisfactorily without a reference to their origin, and without showing his point of departure, or why and how he has
arrived at the particular crisis at which he finds himself? Therefore both historian and reader alike should be exceedingly careful to mark the beginnings of events, with a conviction that their influence does not stop half-way, but is paramount to the end. And this is what I shall endeavour to do.
[1] καίτοι γ᾽ οὐκ ἀγνοῶ διότι καὶ πλείους ἕτεροι τῶν συγγραφέων τὴν αὐτὴν ἐμοὶ προεῖνται φωνήν, φάσκοντες τὰ καθόλου γράφειν καὶ μεγίστην τῶν προγεγονότων ἐπιβεβλῆσθαι πραγματείαν: [2] περὶ ὧν ἐγώ, παραιτησάμενος Ἔφορον τὸν πρῶτον καὶ μόνον ἐπιβεβλημένον τὰ καθόλου γράφειν, τὸ μὲν πλείω λέγειν ἢ μνημονεύειν τινὸς τῶν ἄλλων ἐπ᾽ ὀνόματος παρήσω, [3] μέχρι δὲ τούτου μνησθήσομαι, διότι τῶν καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς τινες γραφόντων ἱστορίαν ἐν τρισὶν ἢ τέτταρσιν ἐξηγησάμενοι σελίσιν ἡμῖν τὸν Ῥωμαίων καὶ Καρχηδονίων πόλεμον φασὶ τὰ καθόλου γράφειν. [4] καίτοι διότι πλεῖσται μὲν καὶ μέγισται τότε περί τε τὴν Ἰβηρίαν καὶ Λιβύην, ἔτι δὲ τὴν Σικελίαν καὶ Ἰταλίαν ἐπετελέσθησαν πράξεις, ἐπιφανέστατος δὲ καὶ πολυχρονιώτατος ὁ κατ᾽ Ἀννίβαν πόλεμος γέγονε πλὴν τοῦ περὶ Σικελίαν, πάντες δ᾽ ἠναγκάσθημεν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀποβλέπειν διὰ τὸ μέγεθος, δεδιότες τὴν συντέλειαν τῶν ἀποβησομένων, τίς οὕτως ἐστὶν ἀδαὴς ὃς οὐκ οἶδεν; [5] ἀλλ᾽ ἔνιοι τῶν πραγματευομένων οὐδ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ὅσον οἱ τὰ κατὰ καιροὺς ἐν ταῖς χρονογραφίαις ὑπομνηματιζόμενοι πολιτικῶς εἰς τοὺς τοίχους, οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτο μνησθέντες, πάσας φασὶ τὰς κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ βάρβαρον περιειληφέναι πράξεις. [6] τοῦτο δ᾽ ἐστὶν αἴτιον, ὅτι τὸ μὲν τῷ λόγῳ τῶν μεγίστων ἔργων ἀντιποιήσασθαι τελείως ἐστὶ ῥᾴδιον, τὸ δὲ τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐφικέσθαι τινὸς τῶν καλῶν οὐκ εὐμαρές. [7] διὸ καὶ τὸ μὲν ἐν μέσῳ κεῖται καὶ πᾶσι κοινὸν ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν τοῖς μόνον τολμᾶν δυναμένοις ὑπάρχει, τὸ δὲ καὶ λίαν ἐστὶ σπάνιον καὶ σπανίοις συνεξέδραμε κατὰ τὸν βίον. [8] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν προήχθην εἰπεῖν χάριν τῆς ἀλαζονείας τῶν ὑπερηφανούντων ἑαυτοὺς καὶ τὰς ἰδίας πραγματείας: ἐπὶ δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐπάνειμι τῆς ἐμαυτοῦ προθέσεως.
