Secretary of State Benjamin nodded happily, while Secretary of War Seddon remained impassive. Judging by the look on the latter man’s face, Davis concluded that Seddon was not feeling entirely well, a far from uncommon occurrence.
Davis went on, waving at the military map on the wall. “In just the last week, we defeated the Yankee attempt to blast through our lines with that mine at Petersburg and drove the last Yankee troops back to the north bank of the Chattahoochee River. Not only that, we have just received word from General Early that his men have made a successful raid on the Pennsylvania town of Chambersburg and have struck the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad at various points.”
“We have, indeed, been showered with good news of late,” Benjamin said. “Furthermore, judging by the Northern newspapers I have been perusing over the past few days, the domestic situation in the North should also give us cheer.”
“How’s that?” Seddon asked.
“The price of gold continues to rise in New York, indicating that inflation is continuing to bring economic pain to the Northern people. The value of the Yankee greenback has been badly hit by their recent military defeats. Opposition to the draft is still increasing, with many demonstrations in the big cities virtually turning into riots. The numbers of people going to hear Democratic orators denounce Lincoln continues to rise. Vallandigham spoke to a crowd of ten thousand in Philadelphia just a few days ago, if the New York World is to be believed.”
Seddon nodded. “So long as Lee can maintain his lines at Petersburg and Johnston can maintain his position along the Chattahoochee River, I see no real prospect of a major defeat before the Northern presidential election.”
“Very good,” Davis said.
“Our spies indicate that many Yankee divisions, including some of those which were sent to protect Washington from Early last month, are being sent to Georgia to reinforce Sherman,” Seddon said. “Might I suggest that we press upon General Early the need to continue launching raids into Maryland and Pennsylvania in order to ensure that as many Yankee troops as possible remain in the vicinity of Washington?”
“Of course. The more Yankee towns that receive the treatment of Chambersburg, the better.”
“I shall send the telegram to him immediately upon my return to Mechanic’s Hall.” Mechanic’s Hall was the building that housed the Confederate War Department.
“Have we heard anything from Forrest or Wheeler?” Davis asked.
“Nothing,” Seddon replied. “General Johnston informed us a week ago when Wheeler set out for north Georgia, taking four thousand cavalry with him. I have heard nothing further from Johnston on the subject. Forrest, upon receiving his orders, immediately departed and has not yet sent back any word. It is as if they both disappeared.”
“You cannot expect either of them to be in communication with us during their raids,” Benjamin said. “But according to the Yankee papers, Forrest has already inflicted some damage on the railroads in central Tennessee.”
“General Johnston is also requesting additional reinforcements.” Seddon said sourly.
“Again?” Davis asked. “We already sent him the equivalent of a brigade from the Atlantic coast, did we not?”
“More than that, Mr. President. Four thousand men, more or less. We have also sent him additional heavy artillery from the coastal fortifications protecting Mobile, in order to reinforce the defenses of Atlanta. I do not see how we can spare any additional troops from other theaters in order to reinforce Johnston further.”
“Send him a telegram to that effect, if you please. Tell him that we have already sent him all that we can spare. Considering the damage the Yankees have suffered, he should surely be able to deal with Sherman with the forces he already has.”
Davis paused for a moment and rubbed his chin, thinking deeply. He glanced up at the map and stared hard. He turned back to Seddon.
“If these reports of Yankee reinforcements moving from Virginia to Georgia are true, how long would it take for them to arrive?”
Seddon shrugged. “When they sent reinforcements last year in the wake of our victory at Chickamauga, I believe it took them two or three weeks. I would assume that it will take them roughly the same amount of time now.”
Davis nodded. “If Sherman has been so badly damaged, why cannot Johnston assume the offensive? If he could cross back to the north bank of the Chattahoochee, could he not flank Sherman out of his present position and force him back northwards toward Chattanooga?”
Seddon thought for a moment. “I am not sure. I suspect Johnston will say it is impossible, were we to ask him.”
“If it we are to do it, it would obviously be best for us to attack before heavy Union reinforcements arrive.”
Benjamin nodded. “A concession to common sense.”
Davis looked back over to the map. “If we could regain our lost territory in northern Georgia, it would be yet another nail in the coffin of Lincoln’s reelection chances. As has been the case with all our victories in recent months, it would increase the confidence of the people and the value of our currency. If Sherman has truly been as badly damaged as Johnston claims, it should be an easy matter to force him to retreat northwards.” The President’s voice became more animated the more he spoke.
“True enough,” Benjamin said. “I cannot comment on the military aspects. If I were you, I would consult General Bragg.”
“Bragg is not scheduled to return from his inspection trip for several more days, Mr. President,” Seddon pointed out.
“Well, when he does, please tell him that I wish to meet with him at once. And as for Johnston’s constant requests for additional reinforcements, I can only say that I am tired of all his complaining.”
“I would let it slide,” Benjamin suggested with a smile. “Keep in mind that when the war is brought to a successful conclusion you need not trouble yourself about him ever again. Indeed, when you eventually take leave of political life and have no more obligations or responsibilities, you can write your memoirs and skewer General Johnston to death for all the public to see. Senator Wigfall, General Beauregard, and all the others who have troubled you, too.”
Davis’s face lit up at those words. Clearly, he had not considered the possibility and a rare smile formed on his face as he thought about it. He quickly turned back to the conversation. “What else, Mr. Seddon?”
He handed over a small collection of papers. “Recommendations from Lee and Johnston regarding promotions and such.”
Davis sighed, knowing that the paperwork would consume most of the evening. He would be lucky if he got home before Varina and the children had gone to sleep. Other chief executives might have left such routine tasks in the hands of subordinates, but Davis felt strongly that such matters required his personal attention. Ten minutes later, just after Seddon and Benjamin had left, Davis called out to Mr. Harrison, asking for a cup of strong coffee.
*****
August 5, Evening
“Well, what do you gentlemen think of this?”
Marble tossed a copy of the Chicago Times onto the table, around which a dozen of the nation’s most powerful Democrats were arrayed, smoking cigars and drinking brandy, lounging in fine red leather chairs. They all leaned forward to read the headline.
GENERAL SHERMAN INSANE!
There was a light chorus of satisfied laughter. A few of them clapped lightly, while others raised their snifters in a toast.
Marble glanced anxiously at Clement Vallandigham, who was perhaps the most important man in the room, as far as Marble’s immediate objectives were concerned. As informal as it was, the personal contact between Marble and Vallandigham had already emerged as the de facto link between the McClellan campaign and the Peace Democrats who looked to Vallandigham as their leader. Marble knew he would have to tread carefully with him. Getting too close would open McClellan up to charges that he was pro-Confederate, while keeping Vallandigham at a distance could disillusion the Peace Democrats and cause many of them to stay hom
e on election day. He would have to walk a fine line.
Marble gestured down at the newspaper. “This is on every street corner in Chicago now. My own New York World is running with it for tomorrow’s edition. Within a few days, every major city in the Union will have at least one newspaper leading with this story.”
“It certainly will increase the appeal of our message that the Lincoln administration has been incompetent in its management of the war effort,” said Vallandigham.
“Indeed. It will also increase pressure on Lincoln to replace Sherman with another commander. This began, of course, in the immediate aftermath of Peachtree Creek, but Grant has been firm on retaining him. If we play our cards right, we can use that particular issue to further fan the flames of discontent.”
“Well done, Marble,” said Governor Seymour. When he spoke, the others fell silent. The chief executive of New York state was unarguably the most powerful man in the room. “Well done, indeed. This will divert attention away from the vicious attacks the Republicans have been making on me of late.”
“That is something to which I can certainly relate,” said John Mullaly, editor of the New York newspaper Metropolitan Record, whose readership was overwhelmingly Irish Catholic. “I spent a night in jail last week, after federal troops hauled me out of my own house for what they called `advocacy of draft evasion.’ As far as I am aware, no such charge exists on the law books.”
“It could get worse,” Marble warned. “The more desperate Lincoln gets, the more reckless and unconstitutional his actions may become. More than a few Democrats have been tossed in jail and several newspapers shut down.”
Mullaly sneered. “So long as the draft falls disproportionately on poor Irish Catholics, while rich Protestants are allowed to hire substitutes, I shall resist it. That, and this damn fool bloody war!”
“The Irish community must be continually reminded that Lincoln is their enemy,” said Vallandigham, whose heavy consumption of alcohol throughout the evening had not impaired his mental abilities in the slightest. “He is willing to recklessly throw them into the slaughterhouses of Virginia and Georgia merely to free slaves who will just compete with the Irish for jobs after the war. Are the Irish Catholics of America to dig their own graves?”
Marble nodded, filing away the last sentence in his mind for use in a future editorial, as it sounded lovely.
“And how is our prospective candidate?” Vallandigham asked, his voice not entirely free of sarcasm. While it seemed clear that the Democratic Party was rallying around General McClellan to be their candidate for the Presidency, Vallandigham had not come on board to the idea until very recently, preferring a person more openly determined on a cessation of hostilities.
“He is well,” Marble said. “As we have long planned, he is sitting tight in New Jersey. We will release letters from him when necessary, and possibly send him to make a speech in a critical city or state if the situation warrants it, but otherwise his position will be that his dignity precludes him from actively campaigning for office.”
Everyone around the room nodded. Such had been the accepted American political tradition since the earliest days of the Republic.
“And what of Fremont and his crazy abolitionist friends?”
Marble laughed before replying. “The fools are playing right into our hands. They have termed themselves the “Radical Democracy” party, or some such thing, and are making speeches all over the Midwest saying that Lincoln is being too soft on the Confederacy and must act more aggressively to free the slaves. They seem to think that Fremont actually has a chance to win the election.”
There was a chorus of laughter throughout the room. “Playing into our hands, indeed,” Seymour said. “I would hazard a guess that Fremont shall not win a single state, although he may have a chance at Kansas. Every vote for him is one less for Lincoln and, in effect, one more for us. In some states, support for Fremont may be the decisive factor that pushes the state into our column on Election Day.”
Marble nodded. “Our prospects in the upcoming election appear excellent and seem to get better with every passing day. I’d like to go around the room and ask for a general summary of how you think things are proceeding in your own states. Perhaps I could start with you, Governor Seymour?”
“If New Yorkers went to the polls today, I have no doubt that we would emerge victorious. Tammany Hall completely controls the election in New York City itself, and will have no trouble getting the Irish immigrants to the polls. As for the upstate region and the other cities, I think we will at least match the Republican vote. Overall, I would guess we will gain upwards of 60% of the vote in the state overall.”
Marble nodded. “Senator Bigler? How are things looking in Pennsylvania?”
“I wish I could be as sanguine as Governor Seymour,” Bigler began. “In the mid-term elections last year, the Republicans routed us completely. Still, with the defeats suffered by Grant and Sherman, and the heavy losses that Pennsylvania troops in particular have suffered in recent months, the winds are changing. I would call myself cautiously optimistic. With a little luck and a lot of work, we can pull Pennsylvania into the Democratic column.”
Again, Marble nodded. Bigler was generally a pessimist in any event. If he was even slightly hopeful, then the situation in Pennsylvania was likely to be very good for the Democrats.
“And Indiana? How fare we there, Congressman Voorhees?”
“Quite well, I think,” replied Daniel Voorhees, second only to Vallandigham himself on the list of Lincoln’s political enemies. “A large proportion of the prisoners captured by the Confederates at Peachtree Creek were Indiana boys, and the disaster has significantly increased opposition to the Lincoln administration. If we held the vote today, I would expect a win.”
“Which brings us to Ohio. Mr. Vallandigham?”
Clement Vallandigham smiled an impish yet faintly threatening smile. “I have been giving speeches across the state. Every week, the crowds get bigger and more supportive. It’s like dry grass being lit on fire. The Democrats are clearly in the ascendant in Ohio. You can take that to the bank.”
“So, assuming we win the border states and McClellan’s home state of New Jersey, as well as New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana, we get…” He tried to do the math in his head.
“One hundred and twenty-one electoral votes,” Governor Seymour answered. “Four more than the one hundred and seventeen needed to win the election. And that is assuming that the Republicans win absolutely everywhere else, an eventuality I find very unlikely.”
“Governor Seymour is right,” Voorhees said. “Too many other states are up for grabs. Minnesota, Connecticut, and even Lincoln’s own state of Illinois could conceivably end up in the Democratic column come November. If you ask me, it’s beginning to look as though we can win the election if we show up with a pair of aces, whereas the Republicans will need a straight flush.”
People around the room nodded in agreement. Bigler, however, did not, and when he next spoke his voice was filled with caution.
“I would remind you all, my friends, that the military situation can change in the blink of an eye. Yes, this week’s newspaper headlines are about rumors of Sherman’s insanity. Suppose next week’s headlines are reporting a major Union victory against Johnston or Lee? You must agree that it is not outside the realm of possibility.”
Vallandigham scoffed. “If Lincoln continues to put Grant against Lee and Sherman against Johnston, I would expect nothing other than continued Union disasters.”
Bigler shrugged. “Perhaps so. But if the Union obtains a significant victory anywhere, the tide which now seems to be for us could quickly turn against us. The people are very fickle, you know, and their opinion is apt to change very quickly.”
Chapter Ten
August 6, Evening
Lincoln didn’t like what he was reading. All the major newspapers, with the exception of a few in Boston, were running with the story that Sherman had lost his mind.
The fact that the source for the story was the obviously biased and unreliable Joseph Hooker was being conveniently ignored. The Democratic papers, naturally enough, were simultaneously running editorials condemning his own management of the war.
The last words of Manton Marble’s editorial in the New York World were especially stinging: Only a deranged lunatic would keep a madman in command of one of his principal armies.
Lincoln dropped the paper in disgust. He reflected silently that perhaps it would have been better had James Madison not enshrined freedom of the press in the Constitution. The charges of insanity against Sherman would not only quickly reach the men at the front and further reduce their shaky morale, but would also further damage Republican hopes in the fall election. Every letter he received from state party leaders told the same story. Unless there was some sign of military progress in the very near future, the Republicans were going to lose the election by a heavy margin.
Even friendly Republican papers, such as Henry Raymond’s New York Times, were now calling on Lincoln to remove Sherman from command. But a tactful telegram to Grant on the subject, sent immediately after the story had hit the papers, had only elicited the response that Sherman continued to enjoy Grant’s complete confidence. Using his presidential powers, of course, Lincoln would be fully entitled to fire any general, or for that matter any captain or lieutenant, that he saw fit to fire. He did not need Grant’s permission. However, peremptorily removing Sherman without Grant’s consent might risk a serious rift with Grant. Lincoln knew how much the successful outcome of the Union war effort hinged on his personal relationship with the general down at Petersburg.
A soft knocking on the door caused Lincoln to look up. “Come in!” Lincoln shouted, the irritation clear in his voice.
Shattered Nation Page 49
