(158a) hal-Ø-Ø hi=bal a-kati-Ø
say-subj-3sg what=ever 2sg-want-3sg
‘say whatever you want!’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 185r)
(158b) hal-Ø-Ø a-ba ti batab
say-subj-3sg 2sg-self prep leader
‘identify yourself to the leader!’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 204r)
(158c) kiz-Ø-Ø au-im t-au-al
fill-subj-3sg 2sg-breast prep-3sg-child
‘fill your breasts for your child!’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 245v)
(158d) an-t-Ø-on con a-mektan=pixan-il-e
help-trans-subj-1pl we-who-are 2sg-subject=soul-abstr-encl
‘help us, we who are your parishioners!’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 304v)
(158e) bo(l)-t-e-Ø v-kab a-mahan vinic-il
payment-trans-subj-3sg 3sg-hand 2sg-hired person-abstr
‘pay for the work of your day laborer!’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 231r)
(158f) luk-ez-Ø-en-ex y-alan in-cuch
leave-caus-subj-1sg-2pl 3sg-below 1sg-burden
‘liberate me from my office!’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 85v)
Both the main verb and its complement could be treated as imperatives in double-verb sequences:
(159a) xen cħa-Ø-Ø v-çoz-ci-il
go fetch-subj-3sg 3sg-bagasse-henequen-nom
‘go fetch the henequen fiber!’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 106r)
(159b) xen kal-Ø-Ø Juan ti mazcab
go enclose-subj-3sg Juan prep jail
‘go throw John in jail!’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 285r)
An imperative clause could be followed by a second clause with or without a conjunction:
(160a) ɔic-Ø-Ø-ex a-zic ca achac y-oc-ol haa-i
insert-subj-3sg-2pl 2sg-thatch that without 3sg-enter-impf water-partit
‘insert your thatch so that water cannot enter!’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 130r)
(160b) et-ez-Ø-Ø bee toon _ xic cumkal
show-caus-subj-3sg road to-us _ go Conkal
‘show us the road that goes to Conkal!’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 166v)
SYNTAX AND DISCOURSE
483
(160c) taacun-t-e-Ø takin _ t-in-ɔa-ah-Ø tech-e
locker-trans-subj-3sg money _ completive-1sg-give-perf-3sg to-you-encl
‘guard the money that I gave to you!’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 401r)
(160d) ɔa-Ø-Ø ox-pec vah _ in-pay-ab-Ø
give-subj-3sg three-nc bread _ 1sg-repay-in-kind-subj-3sg
‘give three breads as my repayment!’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 360r)
And one imperative clause could follow another without being linked by a conjunction:
(161) taz-Ø-Ø -ex a-nok _ taz-Ø-Ø-ex çuuc
spread-subj-3sg-2pl 2sg-cloth _ spread-subj-3sg-2pl hay
‘spread out your bedding! _ spread hay
t-u-vich luum ven-ebal padre
prep-3sg-surface ground sleep-instr priest
on the ground for the priest’s bed!’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 401v)
The treatment of positive commands did not change during the transition from Colonial to Modern
Yucatec. The intransitive imperative suffix is still -en in Modern Yucatec:
(162a) máan-en téʔe háal (l)e kòot-oʔ
pass-imper there edge det wall-dist
‘pass there beside that wall!’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:134)
(162b) kóʔoten t-inw-iknal hoʔ
come-imper prep-1sg-presence Merida
‘come to my place in Merida!’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:11)
(162c) šèen t-aw-otoč hun=tàaȼ’
go-imper prep-2sg-home one=nc
‘go directly home!’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:116)
Transitive imperatives are marked by the subjunctive suffixes, -eh or -Ø, in Modern Yucatec:
(163a) ʔičíin-t-eh-Ø
bathe-trans-subj-3sg
‘bathe yourself!’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:11)
(163b) b’an-Ø-Ø u-leʔ čeʔ-oʔ
shake-subj-3sg 3sg-leaf tree-dist
‘shake the leaves of that tree!’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:26)
(163c) ȼ’áah-Ø-Ø ten hun-ȼ’íit nal
give-subj-3sg to-me one-nc ear-of-corn
‘give me one ear of corn!’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:52)
484
SYNTAX AND DISCOURSE
(163d) čóol-Ø-Ø a-t’àan
disentangle-subj-3sg 2sg-word
‘develop your vocabulary!’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:72)
(163e) b’i(n)-s-Ø-Ø téʔe kàab’-al-oʔ
go-caus-imper-3sg there ground-aj-dist
‘take it down there!’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:118)
In Modern Yucatec, as in Colonial Yucatec, both the main verb and the complement can be treated as
imperatives in double-verb sequences:
(164a) kóʔot-en a-b’óʔoy-b’es-Ø-Ø a-b’ah
come-imper 2sg-shade-caus-subj-3sg 2sg-self
‘come shade yourself!’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:36)
(164b) kóʔot-en a-b’ut’-Ø-Ø aw-ìit pàal
come-imper 2sg-stuff-subj-3sg 2sg-anus child
‘come and eat, child! [literally, come and stuff your anus]’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:39)
(164c) haw-Ø-Ø a-b’ah aw-il-eh-Ø
turn face up-subj-3sg 2sg-self 2sg-see-subj-3sg
‘look up at it! (V. Bricker et al. 1998:99)
And an imperative clause can be followed by a second clause with or without a conjunction in Modern
Yucatec:
(165a) ʔáah-kab’-t-Ø-Ø le č’óoy-oʔ
settle-land-trans-subj-3sg det bucket-dist
‘drop that bucket
_ péen-en t-aw-otoč
_ move-imper prep-2sg-home
and rush home!’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:2)
(165b) ʔil-Ø-Ø _ aw-il-eh-Ø
see-subj-3sg _ 2sg-see-subj-3sg
‘look! [literally, look, that you might see it]’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:12)
(165c) ʔúʔuy-Ø-Ø _ aw-úʔuy-eh-Ø
hear-subj-3sg _ 2sg-hear-subj-3sg
‘listen! pay attention! [literally, listen that you might hear it]’ (V. Bricker et al.
1998:21)
(165d) kaláan-t-Ø-Ø a-b’ah
guard-trans-subj-3sg 2sg-self
‘be careful
SYNTAX AND DISCOURSE
485
le káan kóoh-(o)k-eč teʔ níiš=kab’-oʔ
det when arrive-subj-2sg there tilt=land-dist
when you arrive there at the ravine!
b’ik šíʔ-ik-eč lúub’-ul
beware go-subj-2sg fall-imperf
don’t fall!’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:198)
In (165d), le káan ‘when ...’ is a particle phrase that serves as a subordinating conjunction in the Hocaba
dialect of Yucatecan Maya (V. Bricker et al. 1998:123).
Alternatively, the examples in (165b–c) can be interpreted as representations of verbal reduplication
with a pronominal infix: ʔil-aw-il-eh and ʔúʔuy-aw-úʔuy-eh.
6.2. NEGATIVE COMMANDS. Both intransitive and transitive negative imperatives are introduced by the
negative particle, ma (phonetic [máʔ]), in Colonial and Modern Yucatec. The verbs that follow it are based
on their imperfective stems, and they are inflected with clitic subject or agent pronouns.
The following examples illustrate these characteristics for intransitive negative commands in Colonial
Yucatec:
(166a) ma a-ben-el
not 2sg-go-impf
‘don’t go!’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 277r)
(166b) ma a-mal-el ti hacaɔ be
not 2sg-pass-impf prep slippery road
‘don’t pass on a slippery road!’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 170v)
Representative examples of transitive negative commands in Colonial Yucatec appear below:
(167a) ma au-al-ic-en
not 2sg-say-impf-1sg
‘don’t summon me!’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 204r)
(167b) ma a-cħa-ic-Ø ti-al-bil
not 2sg-take-impf-3sg prep-nom-partic
‘don’t take another’s property!’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 277r)
Conjunctions were not obligatory in clauses following negative commands in Colonial Yucatec:
(168a) ma a-ben-el mehen-e ti ma tan au-al-ab-Ø ten
not 2sg-go-impf son-voc rel not durative 2sg-say-subj-3sg to-me
‘don’t go son, without telling me!’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 423r)
(168b) ma au-al-ic-Ø _ ti xic-en to-i
not 2sg-say-impf-3sg _ rel might go-1sg there-partit
‘don’t tell me until after I go!’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 221v)
486
SYNTAX AND DISCOURSE
(168c) ma au-al-ic-Ø ti padre _ in-cħa-ic-Ø y-uun
not 2sg-say-impf prep priest _ 1sg-take-impf-3sg 3sg-book
‘don’t tell the priest that I took his book!’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 204r)
The treatment of negative commands did not change during the transition from Colonial to Modern
Yucatec. The negative particle, máʔ, still governs the imperfective suffix with intransitive negative com-
mands, and the clitic pronouns serve as the subjects of intransitive stems:
(169a) máʔ a-téek=b’in-Ø
not 2sg-immediately=go-impf
‘don’t go right away!’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:273)
(169b) máʔ a-téek=han-al
not 2sg-immediately=eat-impf
‘don’t eat right away!’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:273)
(169c) šíʔi=pal máʔ a-ku(l)-tal y-óoʔ tùun-ič
boy=child not 2sg-sit-impf 3sg-upon stone-?
‘child, don’t sit on the stone!’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:16)
The same is true of transitive negative commands in Modern Yucatec, except that the clitic pronouns
represent the agents, not the subjects, of transitive stems:
(170a) máʔ a-hup-ik-Ø a-móʔol
not 2sg-insert-impf-3sg 2sg-paw
‘don’t interfere! [literally, don’t insert your paw]’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:186)
(170b) máʔ a-túʔub’-s-ik-en
not 2sg-forget-caus-impf-1sg
‘don’t forget me!’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:282)
(170c) máʔ a-sen=čoʔ-ik-Ø
not 2sg-very=scrub-impf-3sg
‘don’t overclean it!’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:71)
(170d) máʔ a-č’aw-ik- Ø aw-òok
not 2sg-dangle-impf-3sg 2sg-foot
‘don’t dangle your feet!’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:80)
(170e) máʔ a-mèen-t-ik-Ø a-kis(i)n-il tíʔ-Ø
not 2sg-deed-trans-impf-3sg 2sg-devil-nom prep-3sg
‘don’t harm him!’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:129)
In negative commands composed of double-verb sequences, both the main verbs and their comple-
ments employ imperfective suffixes:
SYNTAX AND DISCOURSE
487
(171a) máʔ a-č’aʔ-ik-Ø u-hùuk’-Ø
not 2sg-take-impf-3sg 3sg-move on buttocks-impf
‘don’t let it move!’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:115)
(171b) le k’íin k-u-tàal-Ø-eʔ
det day incompletive-3sg-come-impf-top
‘when he comes,
máʔ a-čaʔ-ik-Ø uy-ok-ol
not 2sg-allow-impf-3sg 3sg-enter-impf
don’t let him in!’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:153)
The example in (172) contains two clauses; the first provides a context for the negative command that
immediately follows it:
(172) wáah táan u-t’óʔóš-ol hàan-(a)l-eʔ máʔ aw-áalkab’-Ø
if durative 3sg-be distributed-impf food-nom-encl not 2sg-run-impf
‘if food is being distributed, don’t run!’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:293)
A negative imperative particle with an exclamatory function in Modern Yucatec is b’ik ‘beware! be
careful!.’ It governs the subjunctive stem of the verb that immediately follows it and uses the pronominal
suffix, instead of the clitic pronoun, with intransitive stems:
(173a) b’ik šíʔ-ik-eč a-pak’-Ø-Ø ten
beware go-subj-2sg 2sg-smear-subj-3sg to-me
‘be careful not to get it on me!’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:206)
(173b) b’ik a-hut-Ø-Ø a-sóʔok’
beware 2sg-demolish-subj-3sg 2sg-underarm hair
‘be careful about letting your hair fall
t-uy-óok’-ol le wàah-oʔ
prep-3sg-upon-nom det tortilla-dist
upon that tortilla!’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:248)
It contrasts, in these respects, with the imperfective suffixes governed by máʔ (see also [165d] above).
7. THE DECLARATIVE MODE4
The word order of the “present tense” of the Colonial grammarians differed from both the Basic and
Focused Word Orders discussed in 1. and 2. above. It belonged to what Smailus (1989:72–73) has called
the “declarative mode” of the language, whereas the other two word orders belonged to his “referential
mode.” As its name implies, the “declarative mode” was employed in contexts where the speaker or writer
was making a declaration of some kind, using for that purpose, a distinctive word order and a novel treat-
ment of verbs.
488
SYNTAX AND DISCOURSE
The declarative mode is characterized by a double-verb sequence, in which the main lexical verb
appears first but is not inflected with dependent pronouns. Clitic pronouns co-occur with the second verb
in the sequence, as in the following examples with intransitive main verbs and the auxiliary verb, cah ‘to
do, treat’:
(174a) kuch-ul ca-cah t-u-hol cah cumkal
arrive-impf 1pl-do prep-3sg-hole town Conkal
‘we already arrive at the entrance to the town of Conkal’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 208r)
(174b) cim-il v-cah in-yum manaan
die-impf 3sg-do 1sg-father non=existent
‘my father is so ill that he is not sentient’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 295r)
(174c) em-el v-cah-ob mitnal
descend-impf 3sg-do-3pl Hell
‘they descend into Hell’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 306r)
(174d) nak-al v-cah y-et=hun
approach-impf 3sg-do 3sg-with=one
‘his companion approaches’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 322r)
The stems of the intransitive verbs in the examples are identical to their imperfective counterparts in
the referential mode (kuch-ul, cim-il, em-el, and nak-al), but they are not preceded by clitic pronouns serv-
ing as their subjects. Instead, the subject of each double-verb sequence is associated with the verb that fol-
lows it in a periphrastic construction. This is quite different from double-verb sequences in the referential
mode, where the first verb in the sequence is always inflected for subject or agent (cf. 5. above).
In order to understand the temporal reference of intransitive verbs in the declarative mode, it is neces-
sary to consider them in the larger context of an oral or written text. The following example drawn from the
Crónica de Mani of 1557 suggests that cimil v cah in (174b) could also have referred to illness in the past:
(175) he-x don Juan Cocom gouernador çututa-e
as for-and don Juan Cocom governor of Sotuta-top
‘and as for Don Juan Cocom, governor of Sotuta,
cim-il v-cah cħap(a)h-aan-Ø ma hul-Ø-Ø-ij
sick-impf 3sg-do ill-partic-3sg not arrive-perf-3sg-partit
‘he was sick; having fallen ill, he did not arrive’ (MA557-039A-042)
The use of the perfective stem of hul ‘to arrive’ situates the illness of Don Juan
Cocom before the present.
So also, does the fact that the perfective stems of transitive and intransitive verbs are used for describing
many of the events mentioned in the document.
A striking difference between the declarative and the referential modes is that the declarative mode
was not used with active transitive stems. Only the antipassive stems of transitive roots could occur in
declarative statements, and the direct objects of such roots were demoted to indirect objects after the
preposition ti. In the following examples, a referential statement in (176a) is followed by a semantically
related declarative statement in (176b):
SYNTAX AND DISCOURSE
489
(176a) ma a-peez-t-ic-Ø a-çukin
not 2sg-show off-trans-impf-3sg 2sg-fast
‘don’t show off your fasting!’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 371v)
(176b) peez v-cah t-u-çukin
show off 3sg-do prep-3sg-fast
‘he makes a show of fasting’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 371v)
The verb in (176a) — peeztic — is active and transitive, and as such it takes both an agent (represented by
the clitic pronoun, a ‘you’) and a direct object (a-çukin ‘your fasting’), whereas the verb in (176b) — peez — is
not inflected for agent or patient, and the nominal patient — u-çukin ‘his fasting’ — appears in a preposi-
tional phrase after t-.
Another set of examples drawn from two late sixteenth-century documents pairs of causative and
antipassive stems derived from the root intransitive, hok ‘to come out, emerge,’ the first in the referential
mode and the second in the declarative mode:
(177a) t-u-lahun-ca-kal u-kin-il uy-u-il mayo
prep-3sg-ten-two-twenty 3sg-day-nom 3sg-month-nom May
‘on the thirtieth day of the month of May
ych-il y-ab-il de mil quinientos noventa y seis años
within-nom 3sg-year-nom of 1596 years
in the year 1596,
t-u-hok-s-ah-Ø u-ba-ob Gaspar Keb
completive-3sg-emerge-caus-perf-3sg 3sg-self-3pl Gaspar Keb
they presented themselves, Gaspar Keb
y-et-el Geronimo Keb Francisco Keb Jose Keb
3sg-with-nom Geronimo Keb Francisco Keb Jose Keb
with Geronimo Keb, Francisco Keb, and Jose Keb’ (SB596A-001B-002C)
(177b) Diego Pox ah-otoch-nal t-u-cah-al Santiago ɔan
Diego Pox ag-home-abstr prep-3sg-town-nom Santiago Dzan
‘Diego Pox, householder in the town of Santiago Dzan,
A Historical Grammar of the Maya Language of Yucatan (1557-2000) Page 76
