History of Florence and of the Affairs of Italy

by Niccolo Machiavelli

the satisfaction of having vanquished others, and of making themselves

  rulers; and to attain their end, there is nothing too unjust, too

  cruel, too avaricious for them to attempt. Thus laws and ordinances,

  peace, wars, and treaties are adopted and pursued, not for the public

  good, not for the common glory of the state, but for the convenience

  or advantage of a few individuals.

  "And if other cities abound in these disorders, ours is more than any

  infected with them; for her laws, statutes, and civil ordinances are

  not, nor have they ever been, established for the benefit of men in a

  state of freedom, but according to the wish of the faction that has

  been uppermost at the time. Hence it follows that, when one party is

  expelled, or faction extinguished, another immediately arises; for, in

  a city that is governed by parties rather than by laws, as soon as one

  becomes dominant and unopposed, it must of necessity soon divide

  against itself; for the private methods at first adapted for its

  defense will now no longer keep it united. The truth of this, both the

  ancient and modern dissensions of our city prove. Everyone thought

  that when the Ghibellines were destroyed, the Guelphs would long

  continue happy and honored; yet after a short time they divided into

  the Bianchi and Neri, the black faction and the white. When the

  Bianchi were overcome, the city was not long free from factions; for

  either, in favor of the emigrants, or on account of the animosity

  between the nobility and the people, we were still constantly at war.

  And as if resolved to give up to others, what in mutual harmony we

  either would not or were unable to retain, we confided the care of our

  precious liberty first to King Robert, then to his brother, next to

  his son, and at last to the duke of Athens. Still we have never in any

  condition found repose, but seem like men who can neither agree to

  live in freedom nor be content with slavery. Nor did we hesitate (so

  greatly does the nature of our ordinances dispose us to division),

  while yet under allegiance to the king, to substitute for his majesty,

  one of the vilest of men born at Agobbio.

  "For the credit of the city, the name of the duke of Athens ought to

  be consigned to oblivion. His cruel and tyrannical disposition,

  however, might have taught us wisdom and instructed us how to live;

  but no sooner was he expelled than we handled our arms, and fought

  with more hatred, and greater fury than we had ever done on any former

  occasion; so that the ancient nobility were vanquished the city was

  left at the disposal of the people. It was generally supposed that no

  further occasion of quarrel or of party animosity could arise, since

  those whose pride and insupportable ambition had been regarded as the

  causes of them were depressed; however, experience proves how liable

  human judgment is to error, and what false impressions men imbibe,

  even in regard to the things that most intimately concern them; for we

  find the pride and ambition of the nobility are not extinct, but only

  transferred from them to the people who at this moment, according to

  the usual practice of ambitious men, are endeavoring to render

  themselves masters of the republic; and knowing they have no chance of

  success but what is offered by discord, they have again divided the

  city, and the names of Guelph and Ghibelline, which were beginning to

  be forgotten (and it would have been well if they had never been heard

  among us), are repeated anew in our ears.

  "It seems almost necessarily ordained, in order that in human affairs

  there may be nothing either settled or permanent, that in all

  republics there are what may be called fatal families, born for the

  ruin of their country. Of this kind of pest our city has produced a

  more copious brood than any other; for not one but many have disturbed

  and harassed her: first the Buondelmonti and the Uberti; then the

  Donati and the Cerchi; and now, oh ridiculous! oh disgraceful thought!

  the Ricci and the Albizzi have caused a division of her citizens.

  "We have not dwelt upon our corrupt habits or our old and continual

  dissensions to occasion you alarm, but to remind you of their causes;

  to show that as you doubtless are aware of them, we also keep them in

  view, and to remind you that their results ought not to make you

  diffident of your power to repress the disorders of the present time.

  The ancient families possessed so much influence, and were held in

  such high esteem, that civil force was insufficient to restrain them;

  but now, when the empire has lost its ascendancy, the pope is no

  longer formidable, and the whole of Italy is reduced to a state of the

  most complete equality, there can be no difficulty. Our republic might

  more especially than any other (although at first our former practices

  seem to present a reason to the contrary), not only keep itself united

  but be improved by good laws and civil regulations, if you, the

  Signory, would once resolve to undertake the matter; and to this we,

  induced by no other motive than the love of our country, would most

  strongly urge you. It is true the corruption of the country is great,

  and much discretion will be requisite to correct it; but do not impute

  the past disorders to the nature of the men, but to the times, which,

  being changed, give reasonable ground to hope that, with better

  government, our city will be attended with better fortune; for the

  malignity of the people will be overcome by restraining the ambition

  and annulling the ordinances of those who have encouraged faction, and

  adopting in their stead only such principles as are conformable to

  true civil liberty. And be assured, that these desirable ends will be

  more certainly attained by the benign influence of the laws, than by a

  delay which will compel the people to effect them by force and arms."

  The Signory, induced by the necessity of the case, of which they were

  previously aware, and further encouraged by the advice of those who

  now addressed them, gave authority to fifty-six citizens to provide

  for the safety of the republic. It is usually found that most men are

  better adapted to pursue a good course already begun, than to discover

  one applicable to immediate circumstances. These citizens thought

  rather of extinguishing existing factions than of preventing the

  formation of new ones, and effected neither of these objects. The

  facilities for the establishment of new parties were not removed; and

  out of those which they guarded against, another more powerful arose,

  which brought the republic into still greater danger. They, however,

  deprived three of the family of the Albizzi, and three of that of the

  Ricci, of all the offices of government, except those of the Guelphic

  party, for three years; and among the deprived were Piero degli

  Albizzi and Uguccione de' Ricci. They forbade the citizens to assemble

  in the palace, except during the sittings of the Signory. They

  provided that if any one were beaten, or possession of his property

  detained from him, he might bring his case before the council and
r />   denounce the offender, even if he were one of the nobility; and that

  if it were proved, the accused should be subject to the usual

  penalties. This provision abated the boldness of the Ricci, and

  increased that of the Albizzi; since, although it applied equally to

  both, the Ricci suffered from it by far the most; for if Piero was

  excluded from the palace of the Signory, the chamber of the Guelphs,

  in which he possessed the greatest authority, remained open to him;

  and if he and his followers had previously been ready to ADMONISH,

  they became after this injury, doubly so. To this pre-disposition for

  evil, new excitements were added.

  CHAPTER II

  The war of the Florentines against the pope's legate, and the

  causes of it--League against the pope--The censures of the pope

  disregarded in Florence--The city is divided into two factions,

  the one the Capitani di Parte, the other of the eight

  commissioners of the war--Measures adopted by the Guelphic party

  against their adversaries--The Guelphs endeavor to prevent

  Salvestro de Medici from being chosen Gonfalonier--Salvestro de

  Medici Gonfalonier--His law against the nobility, and in favor of

  the Ammoniti--The /Collegi/ disapprove of the law--Salvestro

  addresses the council in its favor--The law is passed--

  Disturbances in Florence.

  The papal chair was occupied by Gregory XI. He, like his predecessors,

  residing at Avignon, governed Italy by legates, who, proud and

  avaricious, oppressed many of the cities. One of these legates, then

  at Bologna, taking advantage of a great scarcity of food at Florence,

  endeavored to render himself master of Tuscany, and not only withheld

  provisions from the Florentines, but in order to frustrate their hopes

  of the future harvest, upon the approach of spring, attacked them with

  a large army, trusting that being famished and unarmed, he should find

  them an easy conquest. He might perhaps have been successful, had not

  his forces been mercenary and faithless, and, therefore, induced to

  abandon the enterprise for the sum of 130,000 florins, which the

  Florentines paid them. People may go to war when they will, but cannot

  always withdraw when they like. This contest, commenced by the

  ambition of the legate, was sustained by the resentment of the

  Florentines, who, entering into a league with Bernabo of Milan, and

  with the cities hostile to the church, appointed eight citizens for

  the administration of it, giving them authority to act without appeal,

  and to expend whatever sums they might judge expedient, without

  rendering an account of the outlay.

  This war against the pontiff, although Uguccione was now dead,

  reanimated those who had followed the party of the Ricci, who, in

  opposition to the Albizzi, had always favored Bernabo and opposed the

  church, and this, the rather, because the eight commissioners of war

  were all enemies of the Guelphs. This occasioned Piero degli Albizzi,

  Lapo da Castiglionchio, Carlo Strozzi, and others, to unite themselves

  more closely in opposition to their adversaries. The eight carried on

  the war, and the others admonished during three years, when the death

  of the pontiff put an end to the hostilities, which had been carried

  on which so much ability, and with such entire satisfaction to the

  people, that at the end of each year the eight were continued in

  office, and were called /Santi/, or holy, although they had set

  ecclesiastical censures at defiance, plundered the churches of their

  property, and compelled the priests to perform divine service. So much

  did citizens at that time prefer the good of their country to their

  ghostly consolations, and thus showed the church, that if as her

  friends they had defended, they could as enemies depress her; for the

  whole of Romagna, the Marches, and Perugia were excited to rebellion.

  Yet while this war was carried on against the pope, they were unable

  to defend themselves against the captains of the parts and their

  faction; for the insolence of the Guelphs against the eight attained

  such a pitch, that they could not restrain themselves from abusive

  behavior, not merely against some of the most distinguished citizens,

  but even against the eight themselves; and the captains of the parts

  conducted themselves with such arrogance, that they were feared more

  than the Signory. Those who had business with them treated them with

  greater reverence, and their court was held in higher estimation: so

  that no ambassador came to Florence, without commission to the

  captains.

  Pope Gregory being dead, and the city freed from external war; there

  still prevailed great confusion within; for the audacity of the

  Guelphs was insupportable, and as no available mode of subduing them

  presented itself, it was thought that recourse must be had to arms, to

  determine which party was the strongest. With the Guelphs were all the

  ancient nobility, and the greater part of the most popular leaders, of

  which number, as already remarked, were Lapo, Piero, and Carlo. On the

  other side, were all the lower orders, the leaders of whom were the

  eight commissioners of war, Giorgio Scali and Tommaso Strozzi, and

  with them the Ricci, Alberti, and Medici. The rest of the multitude,

  as most commonly happens, joined the discontented party.

  It appeared to the heads of the Guelphic faction that their enemies

  would be greatly strengthened, and themselves in considerable danger

  in case a hostile Signory should resolve on their subjugation.

  Desirous, therefore, of being prepared against this calamity, the

  leaders of the party assembled to take into consideration the state of

  the city and that of their own friends in particular, and found the

  /ammoniti/ so numerous and so great a difficulty, that the whole city

  was excited against them on this account. They could not devise any

  other remedy than, that as their enemies had deprived them of all the

  offices of honor, they should banish their opponents from the city,

  take possession of the palace of the Signory, and bring over the whole

  state to their own party; in imitation of the Guelphs of former times,

  who found no safety in the city, till they had driven all their

  adversaries out of it. They were unanimous upon the main point, but

  did not agree upon the time of carrying it into execution. It was in

  the month of April, in the year 1378, when Lapo, thinking delay

  inadvisable, expressed his opinion, that procrastination was in the

  highest degree perilous to themselves; as in the next Signory,

  Salvestro de' Medici would very probably be elected Gonfalonier, and

  they all knew he was opposed to their party. Piero degli Albizzi, on

  the other hand, thought it better to defer, since they would require

  forces, which could not be assembled without exciting observation, and

  if they were discovered, they would incur great risk. He thereupon

  judged it preferable to wait till the approaching feast of St. John on

  which, being the most solemn festival of the city, vast multitudes

  would be assembled, among whom th
ey might conceal whatever numbers

  they pleased. To obviate their fears of Salvestro, he was to be

  ADMONISHED, and if this did not appear likely to be effectual, they

  would "ADMONISH" one of the Colleague of his quarter, and upon

  redrawing, as the ballot-boxes would be nearly empty, chance would

  very likely occasion that either he or some associate of his would be

  drawn, and he would thus be rendered incapable of sitting as

  Gonfalonier. They therefore came to the conclusion proposed by Piero,

  though Lapo consented reluctantly, considering the delay dangerous,

  and that, as no opportunity can be in all respects suitable, he who

  waits for the concurrence of every advantage, either never makes an

  attempt, or, if induced to do so, is most frequently foiled. They

  "admonished" the Colleague, but did not prevent the appointment of

  Salvestro, for the design was discovered by the Eight, who took care

  to render all attempts upon the drawing futile.

  Salvestro Alammano de' Medici was therefore drawn Gonfalonier, and,

  being one of the noblest popular families, he could not endure that

  the people should be oppressed by a few powerful persons. Having

  resolved to put an end to their insolence, and perceiving the middle

  classes favorably disposed, and many of the highest of the people on

  his side, he communicated his design to Benedetto Alberti, Tommaso

  Strozzi, and Georgio Scali, who all promised their assistance. They,

  therefore, secretly draw up a law which had for its object to revive

  the restrictions upon the nobility, to retrench the authority of the

  Capitani di Parte, and recall the /ammoniti/ to their dignity. In

  order to attempt and obtain their ends, at one and the same time,

  having to consult, first the Colleagues and then the Councils,

  Salvestro being Provost (which office for the time makes its possessor

  almost prince of the city), he called together the Colleagues and the

  Council on the same morning, and the Colleagues being apart, he

  proposed the law prepared by himself and his friends, which, being a

  novelty, encountered in their small number so much opposition, that he

  was unable to have it passed.

  Salvestro, seeing his first attempt likely to fail, pretended to leave

  the room for a private reason, and, without being perceived, went

  immediately to the Council, and taking a lofty position from which he

  could be both seen and heard, said:--"That considering himself

  invested with the office of Gonfalonier, not so much to preside in

  private cases (for which proper judges were appointed, who have their

  regular sittings), as to guard the state, correct the insolence of the

  powerful, and ameliorate those laws by the influence of which the

  republic was being ruined, he had carefully attended to both these

  duties, and to his utmost ability provided for them, but found the

  perversity of some so much opposed to his just designs as to deprive

  him of all opportunity of doing good, and them not only of the means

  of assisting him with their counsel, but even hearing him. Therefore

  finding he no longer contributed either to the benefit of the republic

  or of the people generally, he could not perceive any reason for his

  longer holding the magistracy, of which he was either undeserving, or

  others thought him so, and would therefore retire to his house, that

  the people might appoint another in his stead, who would either have

  greater virtue or better fortune than himself." And having said this,

  he left the room as if to return home.

  Those of the council who were in the secret, and others desirous of

  novelty, raised a tumult, at which the Signory and the Colleagues came

  together, and finding the Gonfalonier leaving them, entreatingly and

  authoritatively detained him, and obliged him to return to the council

  room, which was now full of confusion. Many of the noble citizens were

  threatened in opprobrious language; and an artificer seized Carlo

  Strozzi by the throat, and would undoubtedly have murdered him, but