Seven Demon Stories from Medieval Japan
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Power). Therefore his subjugations of demons and bandits are superior to
any human beings” (Yokoyama and Matsumoto 3: 137). Raikō was chosen
to be a demon conqueror because he was essentially a divine Wisdom King.
Admiration for Raikō becomes more prominent in the Suntory version
of the Shuten Dōji story, created in the early sixteenth century. The Suntory
text describes Raikō as “a descendant of the Seiwa Genji and the leader of
warriors. His power is superior to [that of] any human beings and his physi-
cal prowess is without equal—more that Hankai (Fan K’uai). He is endowed
with supernatural power. His eyes are sharp, and he could see through things
like things in his hand” (“Shuten Dōji-e jō, chū, ge” 176 [1904]: supplement
3; emphasis added). Here, Raikō is endowed with supernatural power, just as
Sonpi bunmyaku states. The tales and historical records seem to feed each other.
According to the picture scrolls of Ōeyama ekotoba, not only Raikō but
also his shitennō are manifestations of the Buddhist Four Guardian Kings—
Tsuna is Tamonten (Vaisravana, the Guardian of the North), Kintoki is
Jikokuten (Dhrtarasta, the Guardian of the East), Sadamitsu is Zōchōten
(Virudhaka, the Guardian of the South), and Suetake is Kōmokuten
(Virupaksa, the Guardian of the West); therefore, theoretically speaking,
they should have supernatural power and be superior to other human
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Part I: Samurai
beings. But an important difference is that Raikō is a descendant of the
Seiwa Genji and the leader of warriors, whereas the rest are not.
Raikō as a Direct Descendant of the Seiwa Genji clan
The Seiwa Genji clan was the most powerful and successful military lineage
of Minamoto. The clan was founded by Minamoto no Tsunemoto (?–961,
commander-in-chief of the Defense of the North). As a son of Prince
Sadazumi (873?–916), the sixth prince of Emperor Seiwa (reign 858–76),
Tsunemoto was given the surname Minamoto. Minamoto no Mitsunaka,
Raikō’s father, was the eldest son of Tsunemoto, and Raikō, the eldest son
of Mitsunaka, was a direct descendant of the Seiwa Genji clan.
Many famous warriors such as Minamoto no Yoritomo (1147–99),
the founder of Kamakura shogunate, and Ashikaga Takauji (1305–58), the
founder of Ashikaga shogunate, belong to the Seiwa Genji clan (Tōin 3:
252, 296). Also, Tokugawa Ieyasu (1542–1616), the founder of Tokugawa
shogunate, claimed to belong to this lineage (see Tōin 3: 248–49).
From the closing statement of the Shuten Dōji story praising Raikō,
Ayusawa Hisashi conjectures that the story was perhaps created primarily
to extol Raikō for the eldest son lineage of Minamoto warriors ( Genji no
chakuryū) (Ayusawa 118–19).
Actually, Yoritomo and Ashikaga Takauji were directly descended
from Yorinobu, commander-in-chief of the Defense of the North and the
third son of Mitsunaka, rather than Raikō. As Raikō was the founder of
Settsu Genji within the Seiwa Genji clan, Yorinobu was the founder of the
Kawachi Genji branch of the Seiwa Genji. Yorinobu’s activity base was in
the capital, but he extended his influence to the east. With internal discord
and as a result of the Heiji Disturbance in 1160, the Kawachi Genji was
eliminated from the center of politics in Kyoto by the late twelfth century.
When Minamoto no Yoritomo became the founder of the Kamakura sho-
gunate, however, the Kawachi Genji branch became the major line of the
Seiwa Genji of Minamoto. While Raikō’s line called Settsu Genji produced
Minamoto no Yorimasa (1104–80), a driving force in the rebellion against
Heike power and a great-great-grandson of Raikō, also known for slaying
the monstrous bird called nue,15 Yorimasa did not have the military influence
or the base in the east that Yoritomo did.
Indeed, the major line of the military family of Minamoto was the
Kawachi Genji line. Later, when the Yoritomo line opened the shogunate
in Kamakura, Yoritomo foregrounded the concept of eldest son lineage
of Minamoto to strengthen his and his household’s position among all
warriors. Yoritomo traced his ancestors, which began with Yorinobu, to
Drunken Demon
21
Yoriyoshi, Yoshiie, Tameyoshi, and Yoshitomo, his father. The high status
of the main eldest son line of Minamoto on the military side was born out
of Yoritomo’s political maneuver.
Minamoto no Mitsunaka, Raikō and Yorinobu’s father, who had built
the base for the Minamoto power, was greatly worshipped as the ances-
tor of the Ashikaga shogunate during the Muromachi period. It was dur-
ing that same period that the legend of Shuten Dōji was created (Motoki
iv). In 1472 the title junior second rank was conferred posthumously on
Mitsunaka. Motoki conjectures that among the ancestors of the Ashikaga
clan, rather than the warriors with close connections to the eastern prov-
inces such as Yorinobu, Yoriyoshi, and Yoshiie, Mitsunaka was considered
more suitable as the founder of the Ashikaga clan and was a subject of wor-
ship because he guarded the court in the capital and had a distinct graveyard
(temple) (Motoki 198). Also, Takahashi Masaaki offers an interesting inter-
pretation as to why Raikō was chosen as the conqueror of the demons at
Mt. Ōe. The name Raikō 頼光 is a homonym of Raikō 雷公, the thunder
god; Raikō is associated with a thunder god, and the frightening effects of
thunder and lightning were often required to eliminate similarly terrifying
demons (Takahashi, Shuten Dōji no tanjō 34–35, 58–62).
At present, the Tokugawa shogunate’s claim for the Seiwa Genji clan
is considered highly doubtful, but during the Edo period (1600–1867) the
creation of Kan’ei shoke kakeizu-den (Genealogy of the Lords of the Kan’ei,
1643), which linked the Tokugawa genealogy to that of the Minamoto clan,
greatly helped heighten interest in the latter’s ancestors (Itagaki 1: 439).
Minamoto no Mitsunaka was so idealized that it is said that Tokugawa
Yorinobu (1602–71), the founder of the Kii branch of the Tokugawa,
ordered in his will that his tombstone be placed beside that of Mitsunaka
in the inner sanctuary of Mt. Kōya (Itagaki 1: 422, 439). Further, in 1692,
during the reign of the fifth shogun, Tokugawa Tsunayoshi (1646–1709),
Mitsunaka received the highest rank, senior first rank.
Minobe Shigekatsu writes that the Shuten Dōji story was able to keep its
status by legitimatizing the Seiwa Genji clan’s claim to have ruled Japan and
exalting the Tokugawa shogunate for the Tokugawa family, which claimed
to be descended from the Seiwa Genji. Therein lies the conceptual back-
ground for the thriving production of Shuten Dōji’s folding screens and
picture scrolls during the Edo period (Minobe and Minobe 148). The image
of Raikō had been superimposed on that of the Tokugawa shogun, who
claimed to be the head of the Minamoto clan. In other words, admiration
for Raikō as a brave warrior and conqueror of supernatural creatures meant
admiration for the Tokugawa shogunate. The theme of Shuten Dōji—that
22
Part I: S
amurai
of courageous good conquering evil, reinforced by the image of the shogu-
nate eliminating its enemies—was welcomed by all.16
Fujiwara no hōshō (or Yasumasa)
In the picture scrolls of Ōeyama ekotoba, Fujiwara no Hōshō (958–1036) is
paired with Raikō in the demon-conquering mission, though Raikō is clearly
portrayed as the preeminent one.17 It should be noted in the translation that
the court first gives the task of conquering the demons to four warriors:
Hōshō, Taira no Muneyori (or Chirai, ?–1011), Minamoto no Yorinobu (or
Raishin, Raikō’s younger brother), and Taira no Korehira (or Ikō, ?–?). They
decline the court’s request, saying that it is not possible to engage in a battle
with demons, as they are invisible. Then the command goes to Raikō and—
again—Hōshō. It is strange that Hōshō, who earlier declined the request,
is summoned to the palace again and this time accepts it with Raikō. This
could be an authorial (or narrator’s) mistake, or Hōshō may have indeed
been called again because he was so worthy. Hōshō had become part of
a set of four superior warriors by the middle of the thirteenth century.
The eleventh story of chapter 3 of Jikkinshō (Stories Selected to Illustrate
the Ten Maxims, ca. 1252) states, “Yorinobu (Raishin), Yasumasa (Hōshō),
Korehira (Ikō), and Muneyori (Chirai) are four superb warriors,” and “if
they fought each other, surely none would remain alive” (Asami 3: 136).
Perhaps the writer of the picture scrolls used the four eminent warriors,
wishing to reflect the reputation of the days of Emperor Ichijō’s reign and
also to contrast Raikō’s loyalty to the emperor when he accepted the impe-
rial command at once.
Hōshō was born to Fujiwara no Munetada (mid-Heian period, ?–?) and
a daughter of Prince Genmei (mid-Heian period, ?–?). His wife was Izumi
Shikibu (976?–1036?), a famous poet of the mid-Heian period18 and the
contemporary of Akazome Emon and Lady Murasaki, the author of Genji
monogatari (The Tale of Genji); these ladies served Empress Shōshi (988–
1074), the eldest daughter of Fujiwara no Michinaga.
Hōshō was of blue-blood aristocratic stock. He was a descendant
of Fujiwara no Kosemaro (?–764), the Fujiwara family’s southern line.
His grandfather was Fujiwara no Motokata (888–953), whose daughter,
Sukehime (926–67), was the mother of Emperor Murakami’s (926–67) first
son, Prince Hirohira (950–71). Prince Hirohira failed to become crown
prince because Consort Anshi (927–64), the eldest daughter of Fujiwara
no Morosuke (908–60)—Fujiwara’s northern family and Motokata’s rival—
gave birth to Prince Norihira (950–1011), Emperor Murakami’s second
Drunken Demon
23
son and the future Emperor Reizei.19 Motokata died in despair, as he
failed to become the grandfather of the future emperor, and he was said
to have become a vengeful spirit. Fujiwara no Morosuke was Michinaga’s
grandfather and Consort Anshi was Michinaga’s aunt, just as Fujiwara no
Motokata was Hōshō’s grandfather and Sukehime was Hōshō’s aunt. If
Prince Hirohira had become crown prince, Hōshō might have flourished
as Michinaga did.
According to Sonpi bunmyaku, Hōshō was a poet and a brave warrior,
and he excelled in military strategy. Hōshō became the governor of Hizen,
Yamato, Tango, and Settsu Provinces. His final official rank was senior
fourth rank, lower grade (Tōin 2: 423). He was also appointed to the posi-
tion of provisional captain of the Imperial Stables of the Right and served
the household of Fujiwara no Michinaga and his eldest son, Yorimichi.
Altogether, his résumé is very similar to Raikō’s. As time passed, however,
the status of Hōshō in combatting the oni steadily declined. In the Suntory
version of the Shuten Dōji story, the court summons only Raikō, and Raikō
asks Hōshō to join him. In the most circulated booklet versions of the early
Edo period, Hōshō becomes one of Raikō’s warriors. How could this be?
In short, Hōshō was not from a military household like Raikō was, nor
did he have descendants who would advocate his lineage. A setsuwa story
from Konjaku monogatarishū describes the courageous Hōshō subjugating a
notorious robber named Hakamadare.20 The narrative ends with a mixed
comment. While praising Hōshō as a man of valor, it notes that his house-
hold did not prosper because he behaved like a warrior even though he was
not from a military family:
Yasumasa was not a warrior by family tradition because he was a son of
Munetada. Yet he was not the least inferior to anyone who was a warrior by
family tradition. He had a strong mind, was quick with his hands, and had
tremendous strength. He was also subtle in thinking and plotting. So even
the imperial court did not feel insecure in employing him in the way of the
warrior. As a result, the whole world greatly feared him and felt intimidated
by him. Some people said he didn’t have any offspring because he behaved
like a warrior though [he was] not from a military house. (Sato 33)
Sonpi bunmyaku lists Kaihan as Hōshō’s son. Beside Kaihan’s name is
a comment that he had been honored with military skills and strategy, but
there is no record of any descendants (Tōin 2: 423).
A bushi, or samurai, was socially distinguished by his professional mili-
tary skills and his lineage; his family trade had always been martial arts.
Those households were called tsuwamono no ie (household of samurai),
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Part I: Samurai
bugei no ie (household of martial skills), or buki no ie (household of arms)
(Takahashi, Bushi no seiritsu bushizō no sōshutsu 16). Those from a “house-
hold of samurai” were the descendants of persons such as Minamoto no
Tsunemoto and Taira no Sadamori, who rendered meritorious service at the
Revolts of Masakado and Sumitomo (Kimura 20–21).21 Even though one
excelled in military prowess as Hōshō did, one was not acknowledged as a
martial expert or professional unless he was born to such a household; it
was a hereditary profession.
The right pedigree was (and still is) essential; the Japanese generally take
lineage seriously. This can be surmised when one recalls that until recently
many Japanese considered themselves superior because the Japanese impe-
rial household was bansei ikkei (one dynastic, unbroken imperial line). As
Ben-Ami Shillony has written, “The belief that Japan is basically different
from other countries because its royal house has never changed is almost
as old as the dynasty itself. Throughout the ages this assertion has provided
the Japanese with considerable pride” (Shillony 5). He continues, “There
are families and institutions in the world which have enjoyed longer survival
spans . . . but [they are] not hereditary” (Shillony 1–2).
During early medieval times, Jien (1155–1225), a Buddhist monk, poet,
and Japanese historian, stated that “as a custom of Japan, it has been decided
since the divine age the only person of imperial lineage is allowed to become
&
nbsp; an Emperor” (Jien, Gukanshō 328–29). Jien, who attempted to analyze the
events of Japanese history (and his dreams), believed that the Seiwa Genji
would bring peace to Japan and that it was the inevitable course of history
for the military class to rule Japan. He wrote in his Gukanshō (Jottings of a
Fool, 1220) that the loss of the Imperial Sword—one of the three Imperial
Regalia of Japan22—when it sank to the bottom of the sea at the end of
the Genpei War,23 symbolized the emergence of military shoguns who pro-
tected Japan in place of the lost Imperial Sword (Jien, Gukanshō 265). For
the influential warriors in the eastern provinces, Minamoto no Yoritomo’s
raising an army against the Heike meant a revival of noble birth. Yoritomo,
the founder of the Kamakura shogunate, had the pedigree the warriors
trusted (Kimura 23; Noguchi 173).
Hōshō did not have a military pedigree, though his ancestors had a
chance. Hōshō’s ancestors had a base on Kazusa (present-day Chiba pre-
fecture), so when Masakado’s Revolt occurred in 939, his grandfather, the
aforementioned Fujiwara no Motokata, was actually first chosen to be the
commander-in-chief. But because he made an unreasonable request to
the court administration, according to Gōdanshō (The Ōe Conversations,
ca. 1104–8),24 the appointment was canceled (Noguchi 26). Had Motokata
Drunken Demon
25
participated in the suppression of the revolt, his household would have
become a military household. Equally important, Hōshō was not blessed
with descendants who distinguished themselves in battles or with a sto-
ryteller who would raise his lineage high, as may have been the case for
Watanabe no Tsuna (explained in the next section).
In the scrolls of Ōeyama ekotoba, Hōshō takes one retainer with him. He
is Kiyohara no Munenobu (?–1017), who holds a position of Dazai shōgen
(junior secretary of the Dazaifu office in Kyushu). This is also a historical
fact. In the entry of the eleventh day of the third month of 1017 of Midō
kanpakuki (Diary of Fujiwara no Michinaga), Michinaga recorded the death
of Munenobu and noted that he was Hōshō’s retainer. Munenobu was killed
by a group of people who followed Minamoto no Yorichika (Yoshinaka,
Manjū’s second son, ?–?).25 As Hōshō’s status diminished in ensuing Shuten