Ali Pasha, Lion of Ioannina

by Eugenia Russell

  The relationship between Ali and Kurt Pasha is complex and confused. Leake suggests a family tie between Kurt and Ali’s mother. As a result it has been claimed that Kurt provided security for Hamko and that Ali, when he was captured by an injured neighbour, was only saved from death through Kurt’s intervention. Finlay and others make much of this supposed relationship, suggesting that Kurt may have been his uncle, or even, in Holland’s account, that Hamko was Kurt’s daughter. Depending on how close the relationship was this would impact on the motives of the parties, but it seems from the Turkish sources, Ali was not under Kurt’s protection nor did he owe his advancement to him, in fact the opposite. The version of events Ali himself preferred are those told in the Alipashiad, where Kurt is cast as the villain of the piece, being Ali’s adversary during his early years, akin to the rivalry of the Sheriff of Nottingham and Robin Hood. Ali’s capture was by deception when he came to Berat in a show of feudal fealty, and once he manages to escape Kurt’s clutches, Kurt organizes the tribes and villages against him. It must have suited Ali’s purpose to promote his youthful rise as a heroic battle against the devious and powerful pasha of Berat. In the Alipashiad Ali succeeds at the death of Kurt, but fortunes were reversed in reality during a slow war of attrition. In 1778, Kurt’s first setback was when he was disgraced and dismissed from his position due to the intrigues of Mehmed ‘Kalo’ Pasha of Ioannina, who took over the sanjak of Avlona. The guardianship of the passes then went to a Turk from Thessaly, Catalcali Haci Ali Pasha. As a newcomer to the region and held in contempt by the Albanian palikars, the Turkish Pasha turned to the young Ali Bey for help, appointing him as his deputy with the task of asserting order over the unruly brigands while he remained in comfort and security at home in his fortress in faraway Chalkis on the Island of Euboea.

  Around this time local tradition has it that Ali met with Saint Kosmas who is remembered for his gift of prophesy. Kosmas was on a mission to counter conversion to Islam amongst Christian villagers. Travelling through Epirus establishing schools and preaching he made a prophecy that one day Ali would become great. Perhaps he saw in Ali the mixture of personal charisma and courage mixed with ruthless determination and cunning that must have kept him going in adversity. Ali could only have induced men to follow him if he had these qualities and the ability to ensure that he could reward their services. Finlay acknowledged he was ‘brave and active, restless in mind and body’ but what may have been a Machiavellian aptitude for seizing opportunities, in the circumstances a must if he was to be successful, he condemns as a lack ‘of all moral and religious feeling’ and a willingness to exploit clan, ethnic and religious rivalries to suit his purpose. For Westerners such opinions were coloured by their attitude to the East. Ali was the embodiment of many of the less desirable Oriental traits that they found in the Albanians, and even the Greeks, where mendacity and double-dealing were second nature and cunning the height of human achievement. In a culture that believed truth was to be avoided and morality was a weakness to be exploited, Ali could proudly proclaim he could deceive anybody and nobody could outwit him. By the time he was holding court for foreigners he had become a puzzle, full of contradictions and quixotic moods, the qualities of his youth perhaps twisted with age and the need to hold on to power. His displays of good humour, which made him popular amongst his companions, and his affection for his family and loyalty to his friends, would have been vital in his rise, but later shows of affection and tolerance were interpreted as danger signals that he was plotting something. In hindsight, Finlay summed him up as audacious, wary, affectionate and cruel, tolerant and tyrannical, his potential for brilliance undermined by his passions and greed, which limited his vision, with men ultimately serving him as an act of self-preservation. This was in the future, but that there was some connection between Ali and Saint Kosmas is borne out by the church Ali built in his honour in Kolkondas in Albania, within the jurisdiction of Kurt Pasha. Kosmas had fallen foul of both the Venetians and the Turks and even aroused the suspicion of Greek village elders and it was here that he was executed in 1779. Accused of being a Russian agent he was hung without formal charges. Forever ambiguous, Ali’s veneration of Kosmas was not appreciated by some of his fellow Muslims.

  Catalcali Haci gave Ali a free hand as his deputy, Ali’s first recognition by the Ottoman state. Although the control of the passes would put him at direct odds with Kurt, it gave Ali great power with authority over much of Rumeli. First he eliminated the military and civil officials appointed by Kurt, replacing them with his own men drawn on merit and with no regard to religion or ethnic group; the only stipulation was their avowal of personal undying loyalty to Ali. As a counter to Finlay, this could be seen as a form of equal opportunities. To be successful he also needed the cooperation of the paramilitaries, both Albanian and Greek, but there was little love lost between the two. Using his new position he was able to build up a network of contacts amongst the leaders of the Albanian bands and the captains of the armatoli. Those Albanian fighters unwilling to bend to his authority he relocated (in contravention of Ottoman policy and for a fee) to the Morea where they could continue their occupation of plunder unmolested, giving the Greek armatoli a welcome respite. Success also depended on wealth. Without restriction by a superior authority he now had the safety to operate both legitimate and illegitimate protection rackets giving him the resources to recruit mercenaries and put money aside for bribes for when the need might arise.

  One of Ali’s enemies and a source of information on Ali for the Sultan, Demetrius Palaiopoulos, the primate of Karpenisi in the southern Pindus Mountains, summed up the situation of his rise to power in a letter to the Porte in 1810 saying that Ali established peace and order by keeping his ulterior motives hidden under a cloak of wheedling cajolery in his dealings with the local officials. Typical of such underhand methods were his dealings with the people of Missolonghi. In order to collect a debt owed by a sea captain, Michaeles Avronites, first he arrived in the town with his Albanians in a show of force. Avronites was from Cephalonia and therefore a Venetian subject and when, conveniently for him, he could not be found, Ali seized some other Venetian subjects, including the consul, Barozzi, who made the mistake of protesting. To obtain the release of the prisoners, the leading men of Missolonghi declared that they would honour the debt themselves after a thirty-day period. Ali freed the prisoners, but only after he sequestered 500 barrels of merchandise bound for the Ionian Islands as a guarantee. Despite the further protests of Barozzi, the mayor and Ali’s superior, Catalcali Haci, the good men of Missolonghi never saw their goods again. After years of intimidation the docile inhabitants of Epirus were faced with the unenviable choice of an officially recognized tyranny or indiscriminate violent anarchy; it was easier to accept the former. Initially Ali only held the post for five months, but it was a turning point. He had managed to impose unity and order, a systematic and heavy tax regime, concentrated and centralized power and amassed an enormous sum of money in a short space of time.

  In 1779 Kurt was back, having used the well-tested methods of intrigue and bribery at the Porte. Ali’s good use of his own time during Kurt’s sabbatical meant he was not intimidated but in a position to wage a counteroffensive. Ali’s best way to expose Kurt’s lack of authority was by mounting a challenge to pressurize the Porte into accepting him back on the basis that he had the more established powerbase. As a show of force Ali took an army of 2,000 to 3,000 Albanians on a march through Thessaly, dispersing them on the way to intimidate the towns and villages and extract money as they went. At Trikkala he led his own detachment of 300 disciplined and well-turned out, well-ordered troops, including cavalry, into the near deserted town; many of the inhabitants had fled in advance, and the rest locked themselves away. It was in his interest that discipline was maintained so he proceeded to billet his troops without harm, showing the people that he could be trusted to keep the peace. Once the correct amount of protection money had been received, Ali and his men left the tow
n in peace. The Swedish scholar and collector of Islamic and Biblical manuscripts, Jakob Jonas Björnståhl, who was journeying to the Holy Land, witnessed the incident. Björnståhl is the first Westerner to give an account of Ali. The Ali Bey, the ‘young but powerful man’ at the head of the column who carried great respect amongst the Albanians and ‘possessed great riches’, can be identified by his banner with the zulfiqar emblazoned on it as the future Ali Pasha. Björnståhl did not reach his destination but died shortly after in Thessalonika.

  When Ali reached Farsala, home of Catalcali Haci, together they set in motion a plan to dispose of Kurt Pasha. First Ali would take the district of Karli-Eli (Acarnania), the western region, and north of the Gulf of Corinth. His soldiers there had already paid another visit to Missolonghi and relieved its citizens of some more tribute. Ali followed with 4,000 men and occupied Vrachori (Agrinion) the regional capital, where he linked up with Albanians returning from their ravaging of the Morea. Kurt responded by moving his troops south into Epirus, calling for loyalty from the armatoli and putting pressure on the Venetians to withhold their ships from Ali, restricting any approach by sea. The situation had become so serious the Porte was impelled to intervene. Their admiral and general Kapudan Pasha Cezayirli Gazi Hasan, who had come out with honour from the defeat by the Russians at the Battle of Chesme, had already been despatched to suppress the Albanian irregulars causing havoc in the Morea in the aftermath of the Orlov Revolt. He was now ordered to divert through Macedonia and Thessaly to re-establish order there. Calling on the help of the local Turks, the armatoli and the Greeks peasants, who were allowed to arm themselves, he tried to drive out the Albanians, but without the success he achieved later in the Morea. There Hasan Pasha was significantly helped by local Greek contingents. Typical of the shifting loyalties of the time a veteran of the Orlov Revolt, Konstantinos Kolokotronis, made the mistake of leading his klephts in support of Hasan against the marauding Albanian irregulars. Part of a force of 3,000 under Hasan, he took part in the ‘Massacre of the Albanians’ when 12,000 Albanians were slaughtered. Once the Albanians were destroyed Hasan then turned on Kolokotronis, and after a struggle had him captured and killed. Konstantinos’ son Theodore Kolokotronis would become the hero of the Greek War of Independence. Despite Hasan’s efforts peace was only temporarily restored and after a while the Albanians continued to pour into the Morea.

  The presence of the redoubtable Hasan persuaded Ali it was prudent to return to Tepelene. Ali was clever enough only to engage in military action when he thought it would be to his advantage. There was no point in taking on a high-ranking Ottoman commander when he was actively trying to negotiate a position within the Ottoman administration. Back in Tepelene he set about restoring his family’s position and power base there. This proved a good move. When he learnt that his suit at the Porte had failed, he was in a position to call up his traditional tribal and feudal allies and turn on Kurt’s nearby garrisons in force, proceeding to ravage the mountain districts between Tepelene and the outskirts of Ioannina for the next two years. Kurt Pasha had no desire to tackle Ali head-on but the Porte, who wanted Ali’s disruption dealt with, forced his hand. Even though Kurt could muster a superior force of 10,000 men, including 100 cavalry, he could not defeat Ali in battle in the mountain passes, so he resorted to laying siege to Tepelene. For a moment Ali was on the back foot. Shortages of food and the lack of plunder, the sustenance of the palikars, whose loyalty depended on the amount of booty a leader could provide, meant that the expedient tactic was to slip through the blockade without resorting to open battle. That Ali was on the loose caused alarm throughout Greece, so much so that the Venetians, who were now referring to him as the ‘famous Ali Bey’ of Tepelene, and the Russians were alerted. The Albanians were hoping Ali would be their champion and heap revenge on their adversaries after their mauling under Hasan Pasha, so when Kurt Pasha was informed that Ali was making for Butrint, he too thought he was making for the Morea with that intention. Kurt sent a force of 6,000 to the Bay of Arta, distributing sums of money amongst the local chieftains as they went, to cut Ali off from his route south and trap him against the sea. Ali wasted no time in mustering the support of his allies, Islam Bey of Klisura, Hasan Tsaparis, son of Suleyman and Aga of Margariti, and Demoglou of Konispoli, on the coast south of Butrint. His friends kept the local forces of the pasha of Delvino busy skirmishing while Ali slipped further south towards Arta and Preveza. Ali’s manoeuvres alerted the Venetians and caused such a panic the pashas of Trikkala and Eubeoa were asked to send their armies to Kurt Pasha’s aid. But Kurt had misread Ali’s intentions. With his 6,000 men tied down protecting the coast, Ali changed direction and headed for Ioannina, taking and fortifying important villages on the way.

  Kurt’s troops under his son-in-law, Ibrahim Bey, were unable to dislodge Ali and a stalemate ensued. After failing to engage Ibrahim in a decisive encounter Ali again retreated to the safety of Tepelene. Kurt tried to impress the Porte by sending a number of severed heads as proof of Ali’s demise, but order had not been restored and the unrest continued. Although Ali had not been able to defeat Kurt’s forces outright, each step enhanced his prestige. Once more he had been able to defy Kurt and undermine his authority, moving and raiding at will and collecting considerable booty in the process. The Venetians too had taken notice and were ready to open up relations in order to use him as a counterweight for their own protection. The pasha of Delvino, Mustafa Kokka, had become a particular thorn in their side, threatening territory that they laid claim to near Butrint and Ali had become such an important player that he could be used to influence the Porte in who was appointed governor of the town. In 1783, acting on his own authority and risking the accusation of treason, Ali sent a formal deputation of friendship to the Provvedentore de Mar at Corfu. In return for offering to help the Venetians in their objectives, Ali, who expected any day to receive the title of pasha of two tails, asked them to intercede on his behalf at the Porte to speed up the process. The Venetians kept their side of the bargain, describing Ali in flattering terms, while he caused trouble for Mustafa Kokka to emphasize his military weakness. Furthermore the Porte had the problem of backpay still owed to the Albanians who had put down the Greek revolt in the Morea during 1769–70, which had reached astronomical sums. Ali’s satisfactory solution of the Butrint problem that had soured Turkish-Venetian relations for some time and his high prestige among the Albanian fighters underlined that he was now the de facto force in the region and it was time to bypass Kurt Pasha and Mehmed’s rebellious son Kara Mahmud Pasha Bushati of Scutari. In 1784 Ali was made mir-i-miran on the condition that he led 1,000 troops on campaign, possibly as part of the response to the Russian annexation of the Crimea. He was then promoted to pasha and made governor of Delvino for over a year.

  Fig. 23: Albanian palikars in pursuit of an enemy (1820) by Charles Robert Cockerell.

  After a twenty-year struggle leading his Albanian followers on campaigns of widespread pillaging and extortion, Ali had demonstrated that he was more than a match for any of the government forces sent against him. His policy of exploiting small hostilities, personal vendettas and family feuds, in preference to open warfare, ate away at his competitors’ authority until he achieved his aim of re-establishing his family. Having been accepted into the Ottoman elite, it appears he did not keep his promise to the Porte to go on campaign. This may have been because the Crimean crisis had been put to one side, but whatever the reason; instead he diverted his might against the inhabitants of Hormovo. Hughes attributes this move to part of a general imposition of his will on the towns and villages around Argyrocastro, his ultimate goal, which he hoped to take by exploiting internal divisions. He did not achieve that aim but his smaller targets fell to him. Hormovo had shown friendship to Argyrocastro in the past so it was an opportune moment to play out his grudge against them for the part they had played in the humiliation of his mother and sister and he came down on them without mercy for their persistent resistance to
their feudal master. A further justification is hinted at by Leake who tells of their reputation for terrorizing the Pass of Tepelene by waylaying and robbing travellers; now the roles were reversed with Ali the law-enforcer. According to Hughes he had made approaches to the town under the pretence of friendship and to seal an alliance, but when it came to ratifying their agreement, instead of appearing with a few hundred followers he let loose over 1,000 men who razed the village to the ground. The men were killed, the women and children sold into slavery, and the headman, Cavus Prift, roasted alive on a spit over an open fire; or in the words of the Alipashiad, he ‘became a kebab in the frying pan’. It was obviously something Ali was not ashamed of. The ferocity of his actions had the desired effect of frightening the neighbouring villages into submission and gaining him the governorship of Ioannina soon after.