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Forensic Psychology

Page 11

by Graham M Davies


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  2 Developmental and Psychological Theories of Offending

  DAVID P. FARRINGTON AND MARIA M. TTOFI

  CHAPTER OUTLINE

  2.1 INTRODUCTION

  2.2 DEVELOPMENTAL THEORIES 2.2.1 Moffitt: Adolescence-Limited Versus Life-Course-Persistent Offending

  2.2.2 Lahey and Waldman: Developmental Propensity Theory

  2.2.3 Thornberry and Krohn: Interactional Theory

  2.2.4 Sampson and Laub: Age-Graded Informal Social Control Theory

  2.2.5 Comparing DLC Theories

  2.3 CASE STUDIES FROM THE CAMBRIDGE STUDY IN DELINQUENT DEVELOPMENT

  2.4 PSYCHOLOGICAL THEORIES 2.4.1 Bowlby: Attachment Theory

  2.4.2 Eysenck: Personality Theory

  2.4.3 Patterson: Social Learning Theory

  2.4.4 Walters: Lifestyle Theory

  2.5 THE ICAP THEORY 2.5.1 Long-term Risk Factors

  2.5.2 Explaining the Commission of Crimes

  2.5.3 Testing the Theory

  2.6 CONCLUSIONS

  2.7 SUMMARY

  LEARNING OUTCOMES

  BY THE END OF THIS CHAPTER, YOU SHOULD BE ABLE TO:

  Understand specific developmental theories that have been proposed to explain offending

  Comprehend the general psychological explanations of offending (attachment theory; personality theory; social learning theory; lifestyle theory)

  Appreciate a theory that pulls together both specific and general theories of offending (integrated cognitive antisocial potential theory).

  2.1 INTRODUCTION

  In this chapter, we will first review four developmental theories of offending: the adolescence-limited/life-course-persistent theory of Moffitt (1993); the developmental propensity theory of Lahey and Waldman (2005), the interactional theory of Thornberry and Krohn (2005), and the age-graded informal social control theory of Sampson and Laub (2009); for more details about these theories, see Farrington, 2005a. Then we will review four psychological theories: the attachment theory of Bowlby (1969), the personality theory of Eysenck (1996), the social learning theory of Patterson (1982) and the lifestyle theory of Walters (2006). Finally, we will review the Integrated Cognitive Antisocial Potential (ICAP) theory of Farrington (2005b).

  2.2 DEVELOPMENTAL THEORIES

  Developmental and life-course criminology (DLC) is concerned mainly with three topics: (a) the development of offending and antisocial behaviour from the womb to the tomb; (b) the influence of risk and protective factors at different ages; and (c) the effects of life events on the course of development. Whereas traditional criminological theories aimed to explain between-individual differences in offending, such as why lower-class boys commit more offences than upper-class boys, DLC theories aim to explain within-individual changes in offending over time (Farrington, Loeber, Yin, & Anderson, 2002).

  In conducting research on development, risk and protective factors, life events and DLC theories, it is essential to carry out prospective longitudinal surveys (see Farrington, 2015). An example is the Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development (CSDD), which is a prospective longitudinal survey of more than 400 London males from age 8 to age 48 (Farrington et al., 2006; Farrington, Coid, & West, 2009a). The main reason why developmental and life-course criminology became important during the 1990s was because of the enormous volume and significance of longitudinal research on offending that was published during this decade. Particularly influential were the three Causes and Correlates studies originally mounted by the U.S. Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention in Denver, Pittsburgh and Rochester (Huizinga, Weiher, Espiritu, & Esbensen, 2003; Loeber et al., 2003; Thornberry, Lizotte, Krohn, Smith, & Porter, 2003). Other important longitudinal projects that came to prominence in the 1990s were the Seattle Social Development Project (Hawkins, Smith, Hill, Kosterman, Catalano, & Abbott, 2003), the Dunedin study in New Zealand (Moffitt, Caspi, Rutter, & Silva, 2001), the Montreal Longitudinal-Experimental study (Tremblay, Vitaro, Nagin, Pagani, & Seguin, 2003), and the further analyses by Laub and Sampson (2003) of the classic study by Glueck and Glueck (1950).

  2.2.1 Moffitt: Adolescence-Limited Versus Life-Course-Persistent Offending

  Moffitt (1993) proposed that there are two qualitatively different categories of antisocial people (differing in kind rather than in degree), namely life-course-persistent offenders (LCP) and adolescence-limited offenders (AL). As indicated by these terms, the LCPs start offending at an early age and persist beyond their twenties, while the ALs have a short criminal career largely limited to their teenage years. The LCPs commit a wide range of offences including violence, whereas the ALs commit predominantly “rebellious” non-violent offences such as vandalism. This theory aims to explain findings in the Dunedin longitudinal study (Moffitt et al., 2001).

&n
bsp; The main factors that encourage offending by the LCPs are cognitive deficits, an under-controlled temperament, hyperactivity, poor parenting, disrupted families, teenage parents, poverty and low socio-economic status (SES). Genetic and biological factors, such as a low heart rate, are also important (see Chapter 4). There is not much discussion of neighbourhood factors, but it is proposed that the neuropsychological risk of the LCPs interacts multiplicatively with a disadvantaged environment. The theory does not propose that neuropsychological deficits and a disadvantaged environment influence an underlying construct such as antisocial propensity; rather, it suggests that neuropsychological and environmental factors are the key constructs underlying antisocial behaviour.

  The main factors that encourage offending by the ALs are the “maturity gap” (their inability to achieve adult rewards such as material goods during their teenage years) and peer influence (especially from the LCPs). Consequently, the ALs cease offending when they enter legitimate adult roles and can achieve their desires legally. The ALs can easily stop because they have few neuropsychological deficits. The theory assumes that there can be stigmatising and deviance-amplifying effects of “snares” such as a criminal record, incarceration, drug or alcohol addiction, and (for girls) unwanted pregnancy, especially for the ALs. However, the observed continuity in offending over time is largely driven by the LCPs. The theory focuses mainly on the development of offenders and does not attempt to explain why offences are committed. However, it suggests that the presence of delinquent peers is an important situational influence on ALs, and that LCPs seek out opportunities and victims.

 

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